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*1.2.0 黑人财富 ：记人名，理清每个人的学派，对黑人财富的观点。
Notwithstanding A和B开始关注，most historians 都没有关注过19世纪的南方黑人as landholder的繁荣和财富。就算是在1970s（不记得是不是）对黑人研究最兴盛时期也没有过。。一些scientific school 的 Dunning就ignore黑人的财富这一问题，but this ignorance is true, in part,但事实上是因为黑人的affluence有多少，… 甚至没有demon graphic survey indicate
主旨题我选的是追溯不同的学者是怎么参合某一历史问题development的考究的（E）
还有个问题是notwithstanding后面的A和B会同意…以下哪个
背景文：
The "scientific historians" of the William A. Dunning school-Walter Lynwood Fleming, Mildred Thompson, James  G.  De  Roulhac  Hamilton, James  W.  Garner,  among  others-almost  completely  ignored  black  landholders  and  prosperous  black  business  people,  but  to some extent this was also true for a later group of historians who attacked the racist assumptions of the Dunning school. (其他攻击Dunning的racist assumption的历史学家也是这样（忽略黑人财富）的，说的就是下面的revisionist。)The books and articles of Carter G. Woodson,  Abram Harris, Merah Stuart, Luther Porter Jackson, John Hope Franklin, Vernon Lane Wharton, and other revisionist authors included only brief notations of blacks who  had  acquired  substantial  amounts  of  property.
Even  with  the  explosion  of research  on  various  aspects  of  the  black  experience  during  the  late  1960s  and 1970s,  historians  seemed more  interested  in racial  exploitation,  black culture  and black consciousness, and the political activities of blacks during Reconstruction than with  those who  achieved financial success.

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1.2.1 贸易政策
传统认为美国搞贸易自由是在布雷顿森林草案之后（1944），作者说是在之前，然后给了些例子，说从前美国都搞保护（可能导致了30年代的大萧条），结果把自己搞得半死不活，又说搞贸易保护只保护了特定的某些行业，比如保护铁行业，就搞得钢行业萎靡不振了，而且还伤害老百姓，国家的集体利益，这可不好。之后美国由于萧条，内需不振，只有很少的几个公司有海外的市场，然后一些大公司就开始联合银行、工程界去set the real deal of New Deal.意思就是他们要开始干真的了。最后他们搞成了，把民主党弄上了台，然后民主党就开始在全国搞贸易自由。（举例证明，说大萧条以后幸存的银行和企业都有国际化背景，正是这些银行和大企业转变了支持贸易保护主义的初衷转而支持自由贸易而使得民主党改变了其政治理念，变得支持贸易自由主义）。

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1.2.3 新产品策略
第一段：说最近有一种调查方法比较流行，这种方法就是所谓的focus group调查法，然后具体介绍了一下focus group这个方法是怎么回事，其实很好理解，就是选出一些消费者，给他们介绍公司的新产品，让他们看产品的图片，然后做出评价，从而帮助公司判断这这个新产品值不值得投资。另外提到与之相对的另一种方法，好像是test marketing吧，然后就说focus group比test marketing好在，一、能更快的收集信息并且更为便宜，二、可以保持商业机密。
第二段：主要说了focus group的前两个limitations，第一个是选出来的customer并不一定有代表性，选的人不能代表所有消费者啊。第二个缺点是新产品的具体销售情况不能只看消费者调查，因为具体的销售情况有赖于公司市场策略的制定，不同的市场定位和推广可能造成的销售情况不同。这里举了一个例子：生产厂商生产了一种保健商品，公司可以把此保健品作为减肥食品推广也可以作为健康食品推广，主要是看公司的具体营销策略。
第三段：主要讲了focus group这个方法的另一种(第三个)弊端，没有把产品至于competition context，造成产品可能在实际销售的时候因为竞争环境而与公司预期的结果不一样。消费者也会考虑其他参与竞争的产品。这里有题。
第四段：讲了最后一个(第四个)弊端，说focus group这个方法调查出的结果不能够量化(quantitative)，都是一些个人的认知(perception)，不便于公司预测sales，revenue等等的结果。
1 主旨题：讨论focus group的limitations。
2 Test marketing有什么特点：很expensive (文中focus group和test marketing比较，说focus group比较inexpensive)
3提到“保健食品”有什么作用：表现公司可以选择不同的策略
4 第三段在结构上有什么作用：对第二段的延伸
5 作者认为如果用focus group方法的话还有什么不好 结尾定位

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1.2.5 音乐
第一段,JAZZ和人的AESTHETICS之间有点什么关系,一个人A说performing art 不像menufacturing 可以通过成本cost来获得收益,说这两年performing art的收益赶不上inflation rate...其他的manufacture这些年都随着生产力的增加而增加，这样就抵消了通货膨胀的影响，但是音乐家的事业没有生产力的提高，举了一个例子是，一个45分钟的音乐会不大可能有什么生产力的提高，比如过你要演奏schubert总得需要那么多人, （题目：这个例子说明了什么）
第二段就是一个人B反驳他的观点 on the other hand, 说政府扶植啊，人们的关注增加啊什么的，总之是可以赚到钱的。
又有一个人C说从A的evidence里能得出一个跟他的结论有重叠的部分 ，（但这C总体上还是同意B的 有考题问A和C都同意啥）, 但是又说productivity是可以上升的。拿人做个JAZZ和AESTHETICS的试验，然后又比较了早先用classical music 和AESTHETICS试验的结果，说了一下它们的区别，说什么东西上升了26%，（此处有题）、还有道主旨题
Another one about investigation on jazz music, second paragraph was about the guy Dr. Darke? (detail quesion)

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1.2.6 生态圈经济
GWD原题
28.    GWD-9-Q4 -Q7印加高地居民的生态农垦圈
By the sixteenth century, the Incas                16世纪时，南美印加人统治着沿着太
of South America ruled an empire that             平洋延伸，从今天的厄瓜多尔到智利
extended along the Pacific coast and               中部的安第斯高地的一个帝国。
Line  Andean highlands from what is now
(5)    Ecuador to central Chile. While most        虽然大部分印加人是自给自足的农
of the Incas were self-sufficient                    业户，居住于高地盆地9000尺以
agriculturists, the inhabitants of the                  上的人民可种的农作物是有限的。
highland basins above 9,000 feet were
constrained by the kinds of crops they
(10)   could cultivate. Whereas 95 percent         虽然95%的安第斯首要食物可以在
of the principal Andean food crops can              3000尺以下垦殖，只有20%可以在
be cultivated below 3,000 feet, only                 9000尺以上存活。
20 percent reproduce readily above
9,000 feet. Given this unequal                     面对不平衡的资源分配，高地印加
(15)   resource distribution, highland Incas         人为了扩充他们食物的种类和数量，
needed access to the products of                   需要得到低暖地区的产品。
lower, warmer climatic zones in order
to enlarge the variety and quantity of
their foodstuffs. In most of the prein-               在大部分的前工业化社会，资源配置
(20)   dustrial world, the problem of different       差异的问题是通过终端消费者极难
resource distribution was resolved by              控制的远距离贸易网络解决的。
long-distance trade networks over
which the end consumer exercised
little control. Although the peoples                  虽然安第斯高地的人民参与这种网
(25)   of the Andean highlands participated         络，他们还是主要依靠维护尽量多
in such networks, they relied primarily              的生态区域里的自治生产力量。
on the maintenance of autonomous
production forces in as many ecological
zones as possible. The                              区域所产的商品被提炼加工运送，
(30)   commodities produced in these               这些全部由一个单独团体的成员
zones were extracted, processed,                    去做。
and transported entirely by members
of a single group.提出问题及解决方案

This strategy of direct access                        这种由一个单独团体直接掌握最
(35)   to a maximum number of ecological          多的生态区域的策略叫做垂直经
zones by a single group is called                     济。
vertical economy. Even today,                       时至今天，你可以看到安第斯社区
one can see Andean communities                   同时保持着12000尺以上牧场，
maintaining use rights simultaneously                9000尺以上盆地薯田，及6000尺
(40)   to pasturelands above 12,000 feet, to         以下温暖农地的使用权力。
potato fields in basins over 9,000 feet,
and to plots of warm-land crops in
regions below 6,000 feet. This                       这个策略有两个主要变量。
strategy has two principal variations.
(45)   The first is “compressed verticality,”         第一个叫扁平垂直，即一个独立村
in which a single village resides in                   庄住在容易控制附近生态区的地方。
a location that permits easy access
to closely located ecological zones.
Different crop zones or pasturelands                 不同的农业区域或牧场与父系社区
(50)   are located within a few days walk of         都近在咫尺。
the parent community. Community                  社区成员可能临时住在其中一个低
members may reside temporarily                    的区域以管理家里无法获得的产品
in one of the lower zones to manage                 的提炼。
the extraction of products unavailable
(55)   in the homeland. In the second variation,      第二个叫垂直群岛，即村庄在广泛
called the “vertical archipelago,”                    分布的地方开发资源，构建一系列
the village exploits resources in widely                独立的生产“岛屿”。
dispersed locations, constituting a
series of independent production
(60)  “islands.” In certain pre-Columbian             在某些前哥伦比亚印加社会中，各
Inca societies, groups were sent from                团体离开家园，被派往遥远的热带
the home territory to establish permanent            森林或沿岸地区建立永久卫星社区
satellite communities or colonies                     或殖民地。
in distant tropical forests or coastal
(65)   locations. There the colonists grew           在那里这些殖民家种植农作物，
crops and extracted products for their               提取自用和运给高海拔同胞的产品。
own use and for transshipment back
to their high-altitude compatriots.
In contrast to the compressed                     相对于扁平垂直系统，群岛系统里
(70)   verticality system, in this system,             是商品而非人在群岛里流通。
commodities rather than people
circulated through the archipelago.具体介绍解决方案
问题解决
逻辑简图：
1P: 16C, Incas lived above 9000feet, whereas,.. unequal resources distribution… problem resolved by trade network exercised little control. Although, relied on primarily….  
2P: strategy called vertical economy. Two principle variations: compressed verticality(temporarily); vertical archipelago(permanent).. In contrast to….
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. 主旨
2. vertical archipelago is different from compressed vertical in that... :应该是文章最后一句话，commodities rather than people circulated。之前文章有说community members reside temporarily.
3. 是一个很长的划线题，对第二段的第二句话，也就是什么大部分农作物生产在600inchi，但是900inch高地仅一小部分这句话高亮。问这句什么作用。
4. 是GWD9-4：
GWD-9-Q4:
According to the passage, which of the following is true about the preindustrial long distance trade networks mentioned in line 22 ?

A. They were not used extensively in most of the preindustrial world.反
B. They were used to some extent by the people of the Andean highlands.
In most of the preindustrial world, the problem of different resource distribution was resolved by long-distance trade networks over which the end consumer exercised little control.
C. They were not an effective means of solving the problem of different resource distribution.文中没有,自己推出来的
D. They necessitated the establishment of permanent satellite communities in widely dispersed locations.
E. They were useful only for the transportation of products from warm climatic zones.
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GWD-9-Q5:
According to the passage, the inhabitants of the Andean highlands resolved the problem of unequal resource distribution primarily in which of the following ways?

A. Following self-sufficient agricultural practices
B. Increasing commodity production from the ecological zones in the highland basins
C. Increasing their reliance on long-distance trade networks
D. Establishing satellite communities throughout the Andean highlands
E. Establishing production forces in ecological zones beyond their parent communities
While most of the Incas were self-sufficient agriculturists,
they relied primarily on the maintenance of autonomous production forces in as many ecological zones as possible.
第二段论述这个strategy的两种形式都是e中所指的
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GWD-9-Q6:
The passage suggests that as a way of addressing the problem of different resource distribution in the preindustrial world, the practice of vertical economy differed from the use of long-distance trade networks in that vertical economy allowed

A. commodities to reach the end consumer faster
B. a wide variety of agricultural goods to reach the end consumer
C. a single group to maintain control over the production process
D. greater access to commodities from lower, warmer climatic zones
E. greater use of self-sufficient agricultural techniques
This strategy of direct access to a maximum number of ecological zones by a single group is called vertical economy.
Given this unequal resource distribution, highland Incas needed access to the products of lower, warmer climatic zones in order to enlarge the variety and quantity of their foodstuffs. In most of the preindustrial world, the problem of different resource distribution was resolved by long-distance trade networks over which the end consumer exercised little control. Although the peoples of the Andean highlands participated in such networks, they relied primarily on the maintenance of autonomous production forces in as many ecological zones as possible. The commodities produced in these zones were extracted, processed, and transported entirely by members of a single group.
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GWD-9-Q7:
The passage suggests that for an Andean highland village attempting to resolve the problem of unequal resource distribution, the strategy known as compressed verticality would probably be inappropriate for which of the following situations?

A. The village’s location is such that it is difficult for the village to participate in long-distance trade networks.
B. The village does not have the resources to establish permanent satellite communities in production zones beyond the home community.
C. The warm-land crop regions nearest to the village are all below 6,000 feet.
D. The location of the village does not provide ready access to an adequate variety of ecological zones.
E. The nearest crop production zones are located below the village, while the nearest pasturelands are located above the village.
The first is “compressed verticality,” in which a single village resides in a location that permits easy access to closely located ecological zones.

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1.2.7 资本化受阻
关于美国资本化是否受阻的文章，大概有两个观点，先说认为普遍认为阻力不大，因为封建势力不强，后来又有观点说这个过程还是还是克服很多困难的。
类似Prep文
For many years, historians thought
that the development of capitalism had not
faced serious challenges in the United
Line States. Writing in the early twentieth cen-
(5) tury, Progressive historians sympathized
with the battles waged by farmers and
small producers against large capitalists
in the late nineteenth century, but they did
not question the widespread acceptance
(10) of laissez-faire (unregulated) capitalism
throughout American history. Similarly,
Louis Hartz, who sometimes disagreed
with the Progressives, argued that Americans
accepted laissez-faire capitalism
(15) without challenge because they lacked
a feudal, precapitalist past. Recently,
however, some scholars have argued
that even though laissez-faire became
the prevailing ethos in nineteen-century
(20) America, it was not accepted without
struggle. Laissez-faire capitalism, they
suggest, clashed with 与……冲突existing religious
and communitarian norms that imposed
moral constraints on acquisitiveness to
(25) protect the weak from the predatory, the
strong from corruption, and the entire culture
from materialist excess. Buttressed 支持
by mercantilist 重商主义者notions that government
should be both regulator and promoter
(30) of economic activity, these norms persisted
long after the American Revolution
helped unleash the economic forces that
produced capitalism. These scholars
argue that even in the late nineteenth
(35) century, with the government’s role in
the economy considerably diminished,
laissez-faire had not triumphed completely.
Hard times continued to revive
popular demands for regulating busi-
(40) ness and softening the harsh edges of
laissez-faire capitalism.

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1.2.8 做菜和政策的关系
第一篇是说美国妇女什么做菜跟political之间的关系。  
只有一段，说最开始觉得妇女做饭和政治没有关系，但是后来发现有关系， 后文举了2个例子说具体有什么关系。妇女做的饭会随着政治的变化而改变 ，一个地方因为召开什么什么会之类的 然后妇女做的东西就不一样了 。

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1.2.9 女生组织
第一段：Despite(那个女生组织名字 Girl scouting) provide substantial membership, the historian...认为这个社团很多都是遵循传统的美国社会观，也没有创新的curriculum，于是忽略了这个组织。
然后出现一个作者，她支持这个组织，第二段摆出一大堆证据说这个组织还是起了很大意义的。还讲了战后它的作用。锻炼了leadership, 它虽然遵循norms但是它鼓励女生出去工作啊，像男人一样
一题问historians不研究该组织，记得原文好像给了连个原因，选项中有一个说没使他们provoke；最后一个选项说该组织没challenge……；还有人说gender。
注意historian不研究该组织的原因。

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1.3.0广告和电视节目
开始讲了一个B的人，他的观点是：起有involvement，commercial advertisement的效果越差。
然后出现了一个K的人，他反对K的观点，说越involvement, commercial advertisement效果越好。
最后出现一个好像是C的人，他给了总结。说是越involvement, 观众思考commercial advertisement的能力就下降了。所以他的观点实际上支持B的。
题目1问B和K有什么不同： 选观点二是针对广告效果 （提到了广告sponsor）， 而观点一没有。
题目2 第三个观点有什么用？ 选 对前面的phenomenon做explanation。 （也就是对说效果变差的人做解释）

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1.3.1 电影业发展   电影明星的产生
段一：电影明星的成名从表面来看是人们的追捧造成的，或者是观众aesthetic的变化。However，其实在深层里面是跟电影业的发展和公司business的演变有关。
段二：在以前，电影质量不好，电影演员的影响就不重要，因为根本看不清脸。以前电影都短而且是非叙事的，所以这个时候的filmmaker竞争就比较激烈。后来，有了Patent pool专利共享, 制片商们用这种pool把摄影机的什么什么license出去，然后按拍的胶片film每一英尺（a foot）多少钱收租金。这种patent pool 立刻让原本竞争激烈的电影界改变了，垄断商开始出现，竞争没那么激烈了。这些赚足了钱的制片商们才开始发展，提高电影质量，电影更加narrative了，也有明星了。
段三：有个人是觉得patent pool赚钱仍然不够爽，因此break the patent pool, 冒着违纪的风险,威胁电影放映商(distributor)如果放他的一部由某女星演得电影，就得放他所有的电影。从而创造出一种新的盈利模式：总结起来就是纵向合并vertical merge。制片商、电影院的一条龙服务都勾结起来，一起创造明星啊，控制价格啊，所以更加赚了。
一道题：在Patentpool的heyday全盛时期，可以推断出以下哪项？
我选一样长度的电影会给制片商带来一样的revenue（因为foot的问题）
主题题：应该是电影明星的产生，D或者E = =