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女性受男性影响原文
第一段：引出一个理论 这个理论的一个assumption（好像女性依赖男性是父系社会的表现）
第二段：however，这个理论的缺点 （有一个是忽略了其他学者的意见）
最后段：开始自己的观点

Recent debates in premodern women's history have focused on women's social and legal position. The greatest contention（论点） appears to center on the particular systems or conditions that most consistently determined women's social status and the scope of their activity. Judith Bennett, for example, argues that patriarchy（父系社会） is the defining最典型的 system, while Bridget Hill maintains that economic factors are at least equally important.(1) Neither, however, questions the assumption that women's status was somehow essentially inferior to that of men.(2) Female inferiority is perhaps most clearly expressed in the automatic guardianship 监护人of men over women, and not surprisingly, guardianship over women looms large（显得突出） in most studies of secular（现世的） women.(3) When a society is deemed patriarchal, there is, in fact, a strong tendency to assume that constraints（约束） on women's activities exemplify（证实） guardianship, or at least reflect an underlying tendency in that direction. It is nevertheless important to avoid any reflexive自反的 equation of patriarchy with guardianship over women.
第一段作者反驳了两个观点：父系社会对妇女地位的影响因素，还有经济因素对妇女地位的影响。
并且提出了自己的观点：以上两种观点都忽略了一个前提，那就是男性自动自发的监护、保护成为了女人地位低于并且依附于男人的因素。

   This assumption may well underlie two of the principal studies of the social history of medieval Flanders, both of which are predicated on（以...作为基础） the existence of guardianship over women. In The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children and the Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent, David Nicholas states "most women had legal personalities only through male guardians. The guardian's consent was implied even if he was not present to speak for her. The guardian of a single woman was normally her father or failing him a brother or uncle. Her husband assumed legal responsibility for her when she married."(4) A few pages later he reiterates重申 that "single adult women were normally under the guardianship of their fathers or brothers, with tutelage （监护）reverting more generally to the kindred（亲属） if males of the conjugal（结婚的） family were dead or incompetent."(5)妇女的法律人格要通过男性监护来体现。而其本身无独立法律地位。
这一段说的是：第一段的新观点成为了两个中世纪Flanders的社会的理论研究的基础。这两个理论研究都是以guardianship作为基础的。他们得到了一个人（DN）的支持和验证。

    Nicholas's work, however, is seriously flawed. In the first place, he documents only the sentence ending "through male guardians;" the rest of his statements lack citation.（引证）（匹配jj，缺乏documentation文献材料） He provides no bibliography（参考文献）, and a search through his notes reveals that he did not look very far beyond the holdings of the city archives（档案） in Ghent. Although his introduction provides an overview of the historiography（编史） on European women's history in general, it is most notable for the absence of the works of Flemish scholars on this subject. While one can hardly fault him for omitting reference to works of contemporary scholars such as that of Marianne Danneel,(6) his neglect of the work of Philippe Godding, of E. M. Meijers, and particularly of Jean Gilissen, a leading legal historian in the field, is incomprehensible（令人费解的）.)
第三段是说DN的理论缺乏必要的根据。表现在他没有参考同时代Flemish人（Flander地方的人）的一些文献材料与观点。他的研究也没有跳出Ghent这个地方的局限。)缺乏文献支持male guardians的观点

     In the second place, his one note refers the reader not to legal texts, but instead to W. van Iterson's Vrouwenvoogdij ("Guardianship over Women").(8) Despite its title, however, Iterson's work does not confirm Nicholas's claims. For one thing, the focus of Iterson's work is the northern, not the southern Low Countries.(9) Secondly, a majority of the evidence Iterson cites comes from the fifteenth, not the fourteenth century. Thirdly, Iterson's stated focus is not all women, but only unmarried ones.(10) Finally, Iterson's conclusions are actually contrary to those of Nicholas; he states unequivocally（明确的）, in fact, that "there are no traces of a general fixed guardianship over an unmarried woman who has attained her majority."(11) He maintains instead that incidences of guardianship over single women in the northern Low Countries are, in fact, ad hoc（特别的） in nature.(12)（I的主张与N不同，不是确认N的结果）
第四段作者继续说DN的理论缺陷。因为DN只是参照了Iterson的观点，但是Iterson的观点除了书名外与DN的都不一致。表现在以下四个方面：Iterson着重的是北方的城市，证据来源于15世纪而不是14世纪，他只着重研究未婚妇女，第四，Iterson书中的观点与DN相对，他说guardianship对于独身女性来说是很特别的，也很难追溯。

There are reasons for Nicholas's difficulty in finding adequate documentation for his claims. The conditions he outlines echo those associated primarily with Roman law,(13) but Roman law, as Philippe Godding had abundantly demonstrated, had a negligible（微不足道的） impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century（有题）.(14) Furthermore, no item or provision（条款） in any keure (customary law of a community) directly addressed the issue of guardianship over women, and only one so much as implied a belief in womanly weakness that might, by extension, be taken to have necessitated guardianship.(15) Since guardianship over women, married or not, finds no expression in law codes, it must instead be deduced from（从...得出结论） practice.(16) Godding, the author of Le droit prive dans les Pays-Bas meridionaux du 12e au 18e siecle, readily acknowledges this state of affairs, but he, like Nicholas, assumes that some sort of a system of guardianship over women was in place; Godding does caution, to be sure, that actual practice was far from uniform.(17)
第五段说DN的理论难以得到文献的支撑的原因有二：第一，他的理论条件来源于当地的一部法律，但是这个法律在15世纪前，对Flander的人来说微不足道。第二， 法律中也并没有明确说明监护女人的这一条，只是说了句女人是弱者，因此可能需要必要的保护。所以DN的理论是从实践中而不是法律条文中得出的。
另外，本段也提到了另一个作家Godding，下个段落会详细说他。

   Guardianship is not the principal focus of either work, and neither scholar spends a great deal of time proving its existence. Although much of the rest of his analysis is predicated on guardianship over women, it is enough for Nicholas to have asserted its existence. He may have assumed, in fact, that since Flemish society was patriarchal, women must have been under some form of guardianship. Occasions when men act with women simply serve to confirm such an assumption. Godding is far more judicious（明智的）, providing one or two examples that might be considered to reflect guardianship within the context of a forthright discussion of the likelihood of its existence. At least upon one occasion, however, his evidence does not bear out（支撑） his conclusion. He claims, for example, that women in Lille were prohibited from judging men. The basis for this assertion is chapter 43 of the Lillois custumal. Chapter 43 states that men will judge men; it is easy to see how Godding arrived at the conclusion that women will not judge men. But the item also states that women will judge women. If one consistently applies the logic of Godding's own argument, this means that just as women are incapable of judging men, men are incapable of judging women hardly an indication of guardianship over women.(18)
这一段说的是DN他假设Flander是父系社会，女人要受男人保护。Godding显然要更明智，因为他提供了例子而不是假设。但是他的例子中起码有一个也是不能支撑他的观点的。（就是他说女人不能审判男人的那个例子，但是他曲解了引用原文的意思，所以不对）

     Our thesis, in contrast to the above, is relatively straightforward: that the lack of legal texts specifically addressing guardianship over women simply reflects the absence of any such systematic practice – that patriarchy, at least in medieval Flanders, did not necessarily imply guardianship over women. 新观点 If guardianship over women was not uniform, then any particular instances of it were probably ad hoc in nature, as Iterson suggests, and not systematic. An examination of constraints on bodily integrity, on the possession and disposal of property, on women's position within the family, on employment, and on public participation reveals, in fact, that men did not act for women in any systematic fashion. It also reveals not only that men were not economically responsible for women but also that they did not have to act for them in public. The pairing of women with men in the documents was, with one exception, not a reflection of the demands of guardianship but rather an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted. The exception has to do with land held in feudal tenure.(19) Women participating in transactions involving fiefs were always represented by some man, acting as either guardian or advocate. Flanders was hardly feudal, however, and it would certainly be inappropriate to generalize the requirements pertinent to this one system of land tenure to cover all instances of female activity.
这一段提出了作者的新观点：缺乏文献支撑的男人保护女人的观点显然表明了现实中这种保护不存在普遍性。事实上男人也确实不会保护女人或在经济上对其负责。其实男人与女人的关系不是保护与被保护，而是两者作为一个合作共体的表现。

     The focus of this study is explicitly on secular women. Since urban areas left more records than did rural ones, the study centers primarily though not exclusively on women living in the major Flemish towns: Bruges, Douai, Ghent, Lille, and Ypres. The reason for leaving religious women out of the picture, even though the degree to which they exercised particularly local authority contributes significantly to our understanding of Flemish women's historical experience as a whole, is that they lived, for the most part, under quite distinct legal and social conditions. The exception, of course, was the beguines, who were neither fish (avowed) nor fowl (secular women). To include them would make this essay far too long; moreover, a large number of studies already focus on them.(20)
最后一段是说DN的研究主要在世俗妇女上，并且并不只研究生活在大城镇的妇女。另外，他也没有包括宗教女性，因为她们生活在一个非常不同的法律和社会环境中。

题目：
1. 考到了15世纪之前是什么样子的？ 我选的是，15世纪之前罗马法律Roma law对社会只有很小的影响力。（定位题）had a negligible（微不足道的） impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century
2.  考到了全文最后一段的作用是什么， 因为最后一段是作者用来反驳那个学者的观点的，因此选项很好选。challenge之前说法的theory
3. 主旨题 选evaluating a study about ``那个 这个不那么确定

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Boater原文
第一段：上岛方式有二：private boat私船和charter boat租船。从1975~1985年，两种方式都涨了。分析认为游船增加的主要是1970年初期，政府出台了一项税收tax政策（有题），这法案（有题）减免购买游艇人税收。
第二段：船多了，本该觉得拥挤crowd，相反，游客perception of crowd decreased（有题）。分析认为，是人们的norm，expectation等因素变化了（确认作者是否推翻？）。
第三段：为什么游船增加了，但是游客的perception觉得less congested呢？老游客嫌吵都离开了，新游客来景区之前expectation人会很多，但是实际发现没那么拥挤，perception反而就觉得不crowd了（有题）新手novice，他们不熟悉skill和路线，所以更愿意去人多的地方，这样发生危险的时候可以求助。（有题，最后一段作用）

背景材料
Crowding and carrying capacity research has been dominated by cross-sectional studies. Researchers have modeled the impact of visitor use on the quality of the outdoor recreation experience by measuring social conditions (use levels and encounters with others), psychological conditions (evaluation of encounters and perceived crowding), and social psychological conditions (encounter expectations and preferences). From these measures, one can aggregate visitor responses into a normative standard for "appropriate" use levels that can help resource managers set visitor use policy.
      his study incorporates time into an analysis of crowding and carrying capacity to investigate how change affects visitor evaluations and experiences. The analysis employed three cross-sectional surveys of boaters to the Apostle Islands National Lakeshore in Wisconsin over a 22-year period, beginning in 1975 and each administered approximately 10 years apart.
       This framework assumed that perceived crowding is an expression of individual judgment and socially shared norms标准 about "appropriate" density at a given site and at a given time.也就是说，挤不挤，感觉说了算 How crowded people feel depends, in part, on the expectations and preferences they bring to a recreation site. People may feel more crowded if they expect a low number of encounters but see more people than they expected. Moreover, based on these evaluative criteria, the individual may not feel crowded or evaluate the experience negatively until visitor encounters reach some threshold临界值 number.
      This normative approach, however, is problematic in cross-sectional crowding frameworks because visitors may change over time. Time related issues of change were recognized in the early 1970s during the planning stages of early carrying capacity studies (Shelby & Heberlein, 1986). At the Grand Canyon, there were concerns that the study of current visitors could not truly assess carrying capacity because past visitors, who might be more sensitive, would have been displaced. It is possible that they could have left the Canyon because use levels had increased from 500 visitors a year in the mid 1960s to over 16,000 in 1972. The "last settler syndrome" (Nielson & Endo, 1977) or "uninitiated newcomer" phenomenon (West, 1981) suggests that some newcomers to an area may have weakly defined normative expectations and preferences about an area (Roggenbuck, Williams, Bange, & Dean, 1991) and therefore will define current conditions as normal. Thus, aggregate measures of norms may change because of shifts in visitor composition over time.
Norms may also change independently of visitor composition. Cole and Stewert (2002) used a diary sampling method among Grand Canyon backpackers, and found substantial variation in individual responses to normative evaluations when measured at different backcountry zones and at different times during their trip. The product shift phenomenon suggests that people can also change their minds about standards of appropriate use given changing personal and social contexts (Shelby et al, 1988; Shindler & Shelby, 1995). The norms that they hold may change over time, and hence a relationship between encounters and perceived crowding that holds at one point in time may not hold at a second point. So, collective evaluations may also change, even while visitor characteristics remain roughly the same over time. Even though use level may be increasing, aggregate crowding levels may shift depending on a variety of broad social factors that may change the way people define appropriate uses of a recreation site. The only way to observe the potential for change, either in visitor composition or in the normative standards of visitors, is to measure social conditions and visitor evaluations at a single site over time.

主旨：通过游客perception反而就觉得不crowd说明了，实际和expectation的差别（实际没想象的那么挤）反而counter expectation。（也就是说，挤不挤，感觉说了算）

题目：

1、（确定） 1975年和1985年的情况相比，Boater认为？（应该选认为不那么挤了那项）

2、 1980年前后情况不一样，问 “1970年的法律”暗示什么？  80-85年的情况和75-80年的情况出现不同

3.、以下哪个因素不会影响Boater对拥挤程度的感觉: 答案推测（待定？）
– changes in norms, preference of the visitors 就前面解释推翻了

4.、下面那个政府的政策的说法，哪个是正确的？ 我选的是不仅仅适用于business boat。这个选项是比出来的答案，其他几个明显与文中相反（待定？）

5、第三个问题是问关于菜鸟boater的。

6、（确定）问第三段的作用？ 选elaborate an explanation suggesting a phenomena in the second paragraph
7、主旨题。我选分析一个unexpected phenomena的原因（待定？）我选的是解释湖区船多了但是大家还是不觉得挤的现象  我选的是出台税收政策对这个地方的的影响

8、关于bottle water哪个说法正确？选A：manufacturing of plastic bottle
比processing the water更浪费能源

      9、novice boater为啥没有预期到拥挤，我选的答案就是他们没有被告知应该去什么地方划船，怎么划等具体信息

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日本经济模式
第一段：日本经济腾飞啦，支持者拿出（泰罗Taylor/福特理论）日本的企业生产力通过，详细分工的方法得以提高（有题，位置待定？）。认为是由于创新innovation、skill、corporation方面的原因；反对者critics则认为根本不是什么创新（有题），只是assembly line。
第二段：批评家critics继续说，小日本只是press工人增加pressure强度，注重个人能力individual ability而已，并不创新。
第三段：最后作者站出来：两种说法都缺陷，应该将二者综合起来，中庸最好（有题）。作者还认为日本工人dependent on skills,这提高了他们bargain的pace讨价还价空间（有题）

题目：
1、        主旨题。选 Find the middle ground of two controversial theories。折中（确定）

2、        工人的bargain资本来自于？ High skill 小日本工人技术高
日本工人dependent on skills,提高了他们bargain的level

3、        反对派critics认为日本经济体系？critics 会认可关于production system哪个观点  根本不创新not innovative

4、        小日本靠详细分工合作，这个地方有考点。

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P药与心脏病关系
第一段说，一个关于Nurse的survey发现，那些服用P药的人比不服用的人患心脏病的几率小，从而推测说P药可以decrease患心脏病几率。但又一个survey发现，服用P药的人竟然连accident的几率都比不服用的人小，于是开始质疑原先的结论，因为很显然，吃药与降低事故的几率没关系。于是就继续做实验，结果证明P药会increase患心脏病的几率。
第二段，解释。服用P药的人对于健康比较关注，所以生活习惯各个方面都会注意保健，所以患病的几率小。然后做实验(记不得了，貌似有提到placebo),最后说，两个表面上有联系的事件可能是因为其他的原因而被联系在一起（主旨）

有道题是类比题，问服药的人心脏病发病率低，可其实药物对心脏病没有作用与选项中哪个例子的原理相同。选项中有一个是说吃placebo的，意思差不多

你只要知道了药物和锻炼其实并不是本质上减少心脏病的几率，而是认为主观的觉得重要而带来的积极的心态影响的，都好选了

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企业贷款
第一段：economist 有一个 hypothetical model, 内容主要说： when firms apply for a bank loan, 他们需要知道自己的operating costs,但是operating cost会被其他因素影响，因此还需要向bank 申请evaluation, bank要对他们进行investigation
第二段：银行给企业贷款要做评估screening，只对成功贷到款approved的收费。（有题）两种公司：Low-cost和High-cost，因low cost firm更容易被approved而缴费，这相当于在补贴subsidizes High-cost公司，于是，low 公司就想办法了。.
higher cost firms不容易被approved, while low cost firm更容易被approved，那么high cost firms will be subsidisized by low cost firms. and the low cost firm knows that. 因此，to distinguish from the high cost firm, they will 跟银行弄一个collateral.而collateral 的风险成本很大，所以high cost firm基本上不会collateral，而low cost firm 因为本身low cost，不特别在乎其带来的风险. 所以到后来，就只有low cost firm 弄collateral，而且他们只要弄了collateral银行就基本上不会对他们进行evaluation.
第三段：开始讲抵押。好公司为了让自己区分于坏公司，就说提供抵押，因为坏公司项目失败可能性高，自己都没信心所以不愿意给抵押，而好公司相反。 但好公司给抵押也要一定程度的，至少抵押多到坏公司不愿给的程度。        
第四段：讲这个手段为什么有效呢，因为 high cost公司模仿的成本很高——如果他们提供抵押担保的话，他们是很容易还不了债而出去抵押物的
High-cost公司抵押的话风险risk更大，不会选择抵押，这样Low公司就不再补贴High公司了。银行得出经验啦，如果看到low cost公司提出“抵押”，就证明它挺有实力的，并且它不想帮High付评估费。

主旨：因银行评估贷款成功了要收费，Low公司容易成功相当补贴High公司了，于是Low公司就想出个抵债collateral的办法来避开high公司，就不用补贴啦。

题目：

1、        银行为什么只对贷款成功的企业收费？因为利润高 银行没动力去认真评估(防止拿钱不干事) 我选的就是如果全部都收bank就不会认真评估了

2、        高亮：第二段的作用？讲述Low costs公司为了逃避帮别人付额外的评估费所采取的措施

3、        这个screening model 的assumption是基于什么？

4、        作者认为low cost以怎样的方法获得贷款？Collateral

5、        问了下列哪个说法正确，就是绕来绕去的选项，我选的是high-cost公司比low-cost公司更有可能进行欺骗性的抵押(这个答案确认)
6、        银行只对批准贷款的公司作风险评估,为什么?　　第二段说,银行的evaluation是有cost的,为了保证他们的cost可以recoup,他们通常只向贷款成功 的firm收费.
7、        high cost firms 在什么情况下会去做质押？费用在可承受的范围内
8、        low cost公司为啥选择去抵押，选的 为了不subsidize high cost公司

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企业应如何解决污染
第一段：老观点：企业一般把资源花在降低成本和产品开发上，认为治污会产生成本cost。但新发现表明污染pollution会产生机会成本opportunity cost（有题）：waste resources, waste efforts等污染带来的损失代价。
第二段：举例：类比1980s的“quality revolution”的运动。该运动前，企业认为产品缺陷defects是生产过程中不可避免的，后来，企业认识到其实是生产效率低下：Viewing defects as a sign（有题）of inefficient product and process design，然后defect是可以避免的。
第三段：和“quality revolution”的运动一样，企业治污也是一个道理：Efforts to eliminate pollution can therefore follow the same basic principles widely used in quality programs:

主旨：新老观点对比型。老观点认为企业治污是cost负担，新观点认为这反而是opportunity
cost。举例，“quality revolution”的运动，类比说明企业治污道理一样，支持新观点。

题目：
1、 主旨题：  类似 introduce a new concept on the pollution-prevention method

2、 高亮：第二段的作用是？类比(analogy)的方法，举例说明企业治污也一样
类比defect和pollution
4、        opportunity cost污染的机会是指什么？possible losses if not prevent pollution
                               stop pollution before it begin
5、有一题问有junction molecule的作用吧。有两个选项挺接近的。一个说improve interactive ability of two types of molecule还有一个是conduit for information among cells. 我当时选了第一个，仔细想想的话应该是后一个吧。。

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法国女裁缝
第一段：15世纪，法国出现了一种衣服样式manteau（有题）而打破了tailor的垄断。女性提供更多参与商业的机会。CC学者开始研究，发现除了经济影响还base on political support from政府。
第二段：和一个学者CH对比，CC部分同意CH关于市场经济等元素。但CC不同意CH的：认为seamstress的兴起在法国大革命之前（有题）。因为，大革命虽然带来了一些市场机会，free解放观念。但是大革命也摧毁destruction了一些行会（guild）,而Guild保护seamstresses是positive的。

主旨：法国革命前，裁缝行业有变化，出现seamstresses女裁缝占领tailor的市场，CC和CH两人的研究有一致的地方，更有不一致的地方。

题目：
1、         第一段，作者提到新服饰manteau目的是？法国革命前女性服装行业产品的变化。

2、         CC和CH两学者的观点不一致的地方是？seamstress的兴起在法国大革命之前
否认CH认为法国革命有作用的说法

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landlord和tenant地主和房客原文
    Any analysis of why the early fourteenth-century agrarian economy was so predisposed先有倾向的 to 'crisis' necessarily requires careful consideration of class and property relations on the land, for, as Robert Brenner and S. H. Rigby have both emphasized, these could be of decisive果断的 importance.7At that time landlords exercised feudal封建的 rights of lordship over their tenants, many of whom were of servile status and therefore legally subordinate to their lords. This power relationship shaped the tenurial土地保有的 relationship between those who owned the land and those who occupied and worked it. Thus it was tenure, as regulated by landlords, that determined the supply of holdings and the form and level of rents that were charged. Until recently it was widely believed that feudal tenurial relationships sanctioned and facilitated促进 the extra-economic exploitation of tenants by their lords. Together, the heaviness of rent charges and the arbitrariness of lordship discouraged and depressed tenant investment in agriculture.8Meanwhile, lords were more interested in pursuing a feudal lifestyle of conspicuous consumption than in enhancing the productivity and profitability of their estates.9The upshot结果, it has been claimed, was a vicious circle恶性循环 of underinvestment, static technology, and low and declining agricultural productivity.(封建社会中，地主对承租人的剥削关系，有人认为这是投资不足的恶性循环）
     Such pessimistic悲观的 views of lords and their relations with their tenants have long exercised a compelling appeal.15 Nevertheless, they have become increasingly difficult to reconcile with a growing body of historical evidence. The preoccupation（当务之急） with serfdom农奴身份 overlooks the numerous free tenants who were exempt from the most coercive aspects of lordship.16Free tenants mostly paid fixed and low rents and their property rights enjoyed the protection of the royal courts。The more substantial customary tenants were, in fact, relatively well off 。（自由租户收到宫廷的保护，交给地主较少的固定租金，相对富裕。） Many of these tenants certainly paid a proportion of their rent in labour, but historians, probably because of a modern abhorrence of the institution of forced labour, have exaggerated its economic significance. In reality, only a minority of tenants actually performed labour services, and the aggregate value of rents in cash far exceeded that of rents in kind.21 Notwithstanding the much-vaunted powers of lordship, tenants had long been remarkably effective at opposing efforts by lords to raise rents and increase labour services in line with rising land values and commodity prices.22They did so by countering seigniorial power with custom and denying that, as tenants, they were obliged to pay their lords anything more than a de facto实际上 ground rent for the land. Tenant right, in fact, often proved more powerful than landlord right.（ 只有少数的租户提供劳力服务，但他们有反对地主加租的权利，事实上，租户的权利比地主大）
    As this article argues, the fact that so many tenants were in such conspicuous明显的 economic difficulties by the early fourteenth century had less to do with feudal lordship per se and the supposed oppressions and inequalities of serfdom, than with the contradictions and inefficiencies inherent in the coexistence of customary, contractual and commercial relationships. Herein在此 lay the real source of the agrarian problem in the early fourteenth century. In so far as lords were the inadvertent疏忽的 agents of this adverse state of affairs, it was because their dealings with their tenants were typically more compliant than coercive强制的. By yielding to tenant demands for access to land on terms that were so favourable to the tenants, lords created the preconditions for the subdivision细分 and subletting转包 that stoked population growth and thereby engendered the rural congestion that was the source of so much under- and unemployment, with all the negative consequences that this implies for labour productivity, living standards and purchasing power. This deteriorating situation in the countryside acted as a brake upon the continued growth of the economy and, from 1315, left increasing numbers ever more cruelly exposed to the heightened risk of environmental hazard（地主想尽办法遏制了人口的发展和经济的增长，并使社会经济也衰退了）

第一段：B：传统的观点认为，lord给tenant，特别是serf tenant （隶属于lord的，给其交租纳贡的tenant），带来了极大的经济压力，因为tenant要交很高的税负，要孝敬lord，缺乏人身自由。
第二段：P：但是，这一观点是不正确的，虽然老观点有着很大的吸引力（作者用了compelling），但是它越来越不能回答近期发现的一些新证据（主题句）。
第三段：S：因为其一，有很大一部分是non serf tenant，这些人只要交很低的钱，有很大的自由度，小日子还挺滋润；其二，即便是serf tenant，他们的生活也没有那么糟糕，他们还是有一定自主权的，诸如lord要增加税赋的时候，他们可以提出反对意见，并且有一定的力量。
第四段：S：但是中世纪的经济还是恶化了，这是为什么呢？究其原因，是因为，为了应付tenant想多租地扩大自身利益的欲望，地主想出了一系列方法。。。,生词很多，看不太懂。。。结果就是造成巨大的 unemployment in rural area. 地主的这种做法相当于对经济的一个“brake”，阻碍了14世纪的英国经济发展。lord在表面上向tenant做了让步使tenant获得短期经济利益，但是从长期来看，lord通过这些举措遏制了人口和经济的发展，并最终带来了社会环境的恶化。

题目：
1、 主旨题：evaluate14世纪英国经济停滞不前的真正原因
                   是讨论为什么英国十四世纪时候生产力下降了呢
2、 二段中作者举free tenant例子的目的是？举了个例子说明老观点不能解释一些新的evidence，即反驳老观点。
3.、关于landlord赋予free tenant对土地的权利，作者同意哪个？
serve short term interest of tenant but not the long term（待定？）
4.、经济衰退，生产力下降 究竟是原因什么？
landlord的土地政策：把土地权放给佃农。access to land
5、问是从文章infer出什么，我选项是landlord对土地权利神马的，不是totally free（因为第二段提到那个free tetant他们好像有royal court保护，所以landlord不是    完全横行的）。

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苏联生物学家
第一段：关于遗传和环境，苏联两派生物学家：李森科TDL认为生物的遗传性状来自于与环境的直接影响“neo-Lamarckian”理论, .支持环境会影响基因的遗传，不利于物种进化的基因也会传给下一代。；另一派IIS认为环境对生物的有容忍度，一般不变，只有环境发生巨大变化时才会变异，即最优基因繁殖最多
。
讲A苏联生物学家支持neo darwinsn，我猜测可能就是达尔文的进化论，然后叙述了一下neo darwinsn的观点，什么适者生存，不适者被淘汰，大家都学过的。但是另一个B苏联生物学家提出反对，认为环境的改变会给生物带来一些ungenetic traits,这些traits也可以inherit到下一代。
第二段：TDL（借助政治力量）占统治地位，ruin了IIS的理论

题目：
1、 主旨题： contrast了两个生物学家的思想

2、 问TDL思想的最大特点是什么？强调生物在环境的直接影响下能够定向变异、获得性能够遗传
3.、TDL和IIS两人的分歧在于？ TDL认为环境对遗传有直接影响，但IIS不认为

背景知识
1、50年代在苏联由T.D.李森科（jj里提到的那位苏联盆友是也）所标榜的米丘林学说，强调生物在环境的直接影响下能够定向变异、获得性能够遗传。所有这些观点被称为neo新拉马克主义。
2、Dobzhansky 的现代达尔文主义：现代综合进化论不同于传统的darwinism和neo darwinism，彻底否定获得性状的遗传，强调进化的渐进性，认为进化是群体而不是个体的现象。引入了群体遗传学的原理，弥补了新达尔文主义基因论的不足。并重新肯定了自然选择的压倒一切的重要性，继承和发展了达尔文进化学说。

匹配原文
Ivan Ivanovich Schmalhausen（简称S）was a Soviet evolutionary biologist working at the Academy of Sciences in Minsk. In the 1940's his book "Factors of Evolution" appeared and was denounced（谴责, 告发, 通告废除） by T.D. Lysenko, whose neo-Lamarckian（这是L这个人的理论） theories of genetics were then on the ascendancy（ 统治权,  支配力量). At the close of the 1948 Congress of the Timiryazev Academy of Agricultural Science it was revealed that Stalin had endorsed支持 Lysenko's report to the Congress in which it was affirmed that the environment can alter the hereditary makeup of organisms in a directed way by altering their development。(斯大林都表示支持，可见L的理论在苏联的地位，L认为环境可以直接影响遗传）

In the West, Lysenko's views were simply dismissed.（在西方不受重视）But Schmalhausen could not ignore the Lysenko agenda which insisted on a more complex interpenetration of heredity and environment than genetics generally recognized. （这里讲因为大家都认可L的理论，所以S也不能无视）Along with Marxist and progressive scientists in the west such as C.D. Waddington in the UK, he accepted rather than ignored the challenge. As a result he developed a more sophisticated approach to these interactions which explained the observations of some of the better studies cited by Lysenkoists。

Schmalhausen argued that natural selection was not only directional, producing new adaptations to new circumstances, but stabilizing. That is, if a characteristic of a species causes it to be well adapted, then random variation in the characteristic caused by external or internal disturbances would reduce the fitness of the organism, so natural selection will operate to prevent such disturbances（这里讲了S支持natural selection的理由）

Schmalhausen’s realization that natural selection operates to change the sensitivity of physiology and development to perturbations, but that this selection operates only under the usual and normal range of environmental and genetic variations experienced by the species in its evolution, leads to a result with very wide implications. That result, which we shall call “Schmalhausen’s Law”（这个理论是S最著名的理论）, is that when organisms are living within their normal range of environment, perturbations in the conditions of life and most genetic differences between individuals have little or no effect on their manifest physiology and development, but that under severe or unusual general stress conditions even small environmental and genetic differences have major effects

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1.3.2 GWD women suffrage
1.        GWD-11-Q35 -Q37当代女权主义者对20年代妇女选举权运动的评价

         Recent feminist scholarship con-         早期人们以妇女选举权运动众所周知地
cerning the United States in the 1920’s          “得到保证”来评价美国的1920’s，
challenges earlier interpretations that           最近，女权主义者挑战这一观点。
Line        assessed the twenties in terms of the
(5)  unkept 维修“promises” of the women’s
Suffrage选举权 movement.  This new scholar-   新观点驳斥道，因为妇女在1920年获
ship disputes the long-held view that            投票权后，妇女投票组织没有实体化，
because a women’s voting bloc did not          选举权不能为妇女争得长久的政治利益。
materialize after women gained the right
(10)  to vote in 1920, suffrage failed to
produce long-term political gains for
women.  These feminist scholars also           女权学家也认为选举权失败，因为它没
challenge the old view that pronounced          有遵守妇女投票将带来道德的无腐败的
suffrage a failure for not delivering on           统治的诺言。
(15)  the promise that the women’s vote
would bring about moral, corruption腐败-
free governance.  Asked whether              被问到选举权是否失败时，他们引用世
women’s suffrage was a failure, these           纪交替时的社会改革家JA的话：“为
scholars cite the words of turn-of-the-           何你不问选举权是否全面失败？“
(20)  century social reformer Jane Addams,
“Why don’t you ask if suffrage in
general is failing?”      学者的观点认为suffrage是失败
In some ways, however, these递进         在某些方面，这些女权学者仍然认为
scholars still present the 1920’s as a              1920’s是衰落时期。
(25)         period of decline. After suffrage, they           他们说选举权后，女权运动失去了凝
argue, the feminist movement lost its              聚力，性别意识下降。
Cohesiveness凝聚力, and gender consciousness
Waned衰弱.  After the mid-1920’s, few          1920’s中期后，鲜见女权改革家的成
successes could be claimed by fem-              就：在成功立法方面很少见。
(30)  inist reformers: little could be seen in
the way of legislative victories.  衰退的年代 new scholarship的另一观点
          During this decade, however, there        然而在此时期，以取得更多妇女自治
was intense activism aimed at achiev-           为目标的强烈的激进主义存在着，扩
ing increased autonomy for women,             宽到妇女的日常生活领域。
(35)   broadening the spheres within which
they lived their daily lives.  Women’s            妇女组织的工作为妇女提供机会：
organizations worked to establish
opportunities for women: they strove to          他们致力于保障妇女完全的公民权利，
secure for women the full entitlements           包括管理办公室及服务陪审庭的权利。
(40)  of citizenship, including the right to hold
office and the right to serve on juries.  最终观点 不同意recent的观点
老新观点
逻辑简图：
1P: recent scholarship challenges earlier interpretations unkept “promise” of women suffrage. Disputes, also challenges older view…
2P: in some ways, however, decline….
3P: during this decade, however, intense activism…. Women’ organization worked to establish opportunities for women…
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GWD-11-Q35:
The passage is primarily concerned with
               
A.        providing evidence indicating that feminist reformers of the 1920’s failed to reach some of their goals偏
B.        presenting scholarship that contrasts suffragist “promises” with the historical realities of the 1920’s
C.        discussing recent scholarship concerning the achievements of women’s suffrage during the 1920’s and presenting an alternative view of those achievements
Recent feminist scholarship concerning the United States in the 1920’s challenges earlier interpretations that assessed the twenties in terms of the unkept “promises” of the women’s suffrage movement.  
D.        Outlining概括 recent findings concerning events leading to suffrage for women in the 1920’s and presenting a challenge to those findings
E.        providing support for a traditional view of the success of feminist attempts to increase gender consciousness among women during the 1920’s
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
GWD-11-Q36:
It can be inferred that the author of the passage disagrees with the “new scholarship” mentioned in lines 6-7 regarding the
               
A.        degree to which the “promises” of the suffrage movement remained unkept
B.        degree to which suffrage for women improved the morality of governance
C.        degree to which the 1920’s represented a period of decline for the feminist movement
During this decade, however, there was intense activism aimed at achieving increased autonomy for women,。。。
D.        degree of legislative success achieved by feminist reformers during the 1920’s
E.        accuracy of the view that a women’s voting bloc did not materialize once suffrage was achieved
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GWD-11-Q37:※
The purpose of the second paragraph (lines 23-31) of the passage is to

A.        suggest a reason why suffragist “promises” were not kept
B.        contrast suffragist “promises” with the reality of the 1920’s
C.        deplore谴责、哀叹 the lack of successful feminist reform in 1920’s
D.        explain a view held by feminist scholars
E.        answer the question asked by Jane Addams