clubman

1．2．1   boater（原文）
   关于boater的，有一个景点1985年的人比1975年的人多了很多，但是调查下来却发现旅游者并没有觉得很拥挤，然后举例分析了原因是因为旅游者们的preference什么的有改变
Crowding and carrying capacity research has been dominated by cross-sectional studies. Researchers have modeled the impact of visitor use on the quality of the outdoor recreation experience by measuring social conditions (use levels and encounters with others), psychological conditions (evaluation of encounters and perceived crowding), and social psychological conditions (encounter expectations and preferences). From these measures, one can aggregate visitor responses into a normative standard for "appropriate" use levels that can help resource managers set visitor use policy.
      his study incorporates time into an analysis of crowding and carrying capacity to investigate how change affects visitor evaluations and experiences. The analysis employed three cross-sectional surveys of boaters to the Apostle Islands National Lakeshore in Wisconsin over a 22-year period, beginning in 1975 and each administered approximately 10 years apart.
       This framework assumed that perceived crowding is an expression of individual judgment and socially shared norms about "appropriate" density at a given site and at a given time.也就是说，挤不挤，感觉说了算 How crowded people feel depends, in part, on the expectations and preferences they bring to a recreation site. People may feel more crowded if they expect a low number of encounters but see more people than they expected. Moreover, based on these evaluative criteria, the individual may not feel crowded or evaluate the experience negatively until visitor encounters reach some threshold number.
      This normative approach, however, is problematic in cross-sectional crowding frameworks because visitors may change over time. Time related issues of change were recognized in the early 1970s during the planning stages of early carrying capacity studies (Shelby & Heberlein, 1986). At the Grand Canyon, there were concerns that the study of current visitors could not truly assess carrying capacity because past visitors, who might be more sensitive, would have been displaced. It is possible that they could have left the Canyon because use levels had increased from 500 visitors a year in the mid 1960s to over 16,000 in 1972. The "last settler syndrome" (Nielson & Endo, 1977) or "uninitiated newcomer" phenomenon (West, 1981) suggests that some newcomers to an area may have weakly defined normative expectations and preferences about an area (Roggenbuck, Williams, Bange, & Dean, 1991) and therefore will define current conditions as normal. Thus, aggregate measures of norms may change because of shifts in visitor composition over time.
Norms may also change independently of visitor composition. Cole and Stewert (2002) used a diary sampling method among Grand Canyon backpackers, and found substantial variation in individual responses to normative evaluations when measured at different backcountry zones and at different times during their trip. The product shift phenomenon suggests that people can also change their minds about standards of appropriate use given changing personal and social contexts (Shelby et al, 1988; Shindler & Shelby, 1995). The norms that they hold may change over time, and hence a relationship between encounters and perceived crowding that holds at one point in time may not hold at a second point. So, collective evaluations may also change, even while visitor characteristics remain roughly the same over time. Even though use level may be increasing, aggregate crowding levels may shift depending on a variety of broad social factors that may change the way people define appropriate uses of a recreation site. The only way to observe the potential for change, either in visitor composition or in the normative standards of visitors, is to measure social conditions and visitor evaluations at a single site over time.
1975年要去A岛（一个景点）有两种方式，private boat和chatared boat，1985年的时候这两种方式的船都增多了，作者推测是由于政府的tax credit造成的（这段感觉跟文章不怎么搭界）
第二段说因为船增多了所以boater应该会觉得crowded，但是boaters reported perception of crowdness decreased，预测可能是因为人们的norm, preference变了
第三段进一步展开那个预测，说因为很多人是买了private boat学习自驾去游览的新手，他们不熟悉skill和路线，所以更愿意去人多的地方，这样发生危险的时候可以求助

题目：最后一段在整个文章中的作用？
1.问第三段的作用，选elaborate an explanation suggesting a phenomena in the second paragraph
2.还有一道主旨题，我选分析一个unexpected phenomena的原因（这就是我说第一段跟全文好像没什么关系的原因，其他选项也都没有把第一段的内容概括进去的。。。）
3. 1975年和1985年的情况相比，Boater认为？（应该选认为不那么挤了那项）
4. 1980年前后情况不一样，所以第一问题就问“1970年的法律”暗示什么？我选的是80-85年的情况和75-80年的情况出现不同）
5．以下哪个因素不会影响Boater对拥挤程度的感觉: 答案推测 – changes in norms, preference of the visitors
6.是问关于那个政府的政策的说法，哪个是正确的。我选的是不仅仅适用于business boat。这个选项是比出来的答案，其他几个明显与文中相反
7. 第三个问题是问关于菜鸟boater的。记不清选项了

V3(750)
第一段讲1970年的时候，某个景区只有50几艘船，但是到了1985年左右，数量就到了200多艘，这些包括recreational的private boat和chartered boat。其中私人游艇增加了2倍以上。当地的旅游管理局还是什么的相关人士，在游船增加的初期对此问题表示了关注，怕过多的游船会导致当地僻静的景区收益什么的受到影响。但是调查发现，人们的perception of crowdedness并没有上升，反而下降了（有题考）。分析认为，是人们的norm，expectation等因素变化了。最后提出游船增加的主要原因是1970年初期，政府出台了一项税收政策，对那些购买游艇的人，可以减免税收。
第二段开始具体分析为什么游船增加了，但是游客的perception觉得less congested呢？熟悉这个景区宁静氛围的游客们都离开了，新来的游客对这里的expectation又不同（可能来景区之前就觉得会很多人，但是实际到了这里发现没有想象中那么拥挤，perception就给出了没有那么congested的错觉）。同时sailing school招徕了不少新手学员，大家对游玩的路线什么的也不熟悉，可能反而觉得人多可以互相帮助。（但自始至终没有提到一个conclusive的原因，主旨题考到，又干扰选项）。

clubman

1.2.2 预测未来
预测未来的需求却往往导致不好的结果之类的
我的材料：
Demand forecasting is the activity of estimating the quantity of a product or service that consumers will purchase. Demand forecasting involves techniques including both informal methods, such as educated guesses, and quantitative methods, such as the use of historical sales data or current data from test markets. Demand forecasting may be used in making pricing decisions, in assessing future capacity requirements, or in making decisions on whether to enter a new market. 这个只有名词解释，具体的内容大家可以自己继续搜，熟悉一些词汇吧

clubman

1.2.3 日本经济*
总结：
第一段：日本人的高效率引起美国同行来分析。按照（泰罗Taylorism/福特）的管理理论，日本的企业生产力通过详细分工的方法得以提高，(有考题)说是因为日本制造strategy中更强调innovation和工人skills,corporation等方面，有别于传统的简单重复性生产线assembly line工作模式，因此焕发了更高的效率，另一个反驳critics说日本的成功只不过是增加了工作的强度,只是倚靠流水线、监工等方式提高产量，不是什么创新( not innovative)，严格意义上讲还是强调分工、合作，是更有效率的流水线管理。
第二段：就是描述这种发展的性质。一个说日本的发展是有innovation的，一个就说不过是流水线之类的，这里面有很多词哟，比如pressure之类的。
第三段，作者的观点——折衷中立。其实应该是把这两种说法结合起来，就能概括日本这种发展了。其实两种理论都未看到XXX. 小日本的管理要求工人更高的skills, 给了工人更多的讨价余地（有题）。

题目：
1.作者的态度，主旨题，选 Find the middle ground of two controversial theories这个选项
2.推断题Infer
3.问那种情况 Skilled labor更有Bargaining Power--日本工人dependent on skills
4.针对最后作者认为日本企业模式的细节题
5.“问critics会认可关于production system哪个观点？选 not innovative”

clubman

1.2.4 P药与心脏病关系
第一段说，一个关于Nurse的survey发现，那些服用P药的人比不服用的人患心脏病的几率小，从而推测说P药可以decrease患心脏病几率。但又一个survey发现，服用P药的人竟然连accident的几率都比不服用的人小，于是开始质疑原先的结论，因为很显然，吃药与降低事故的几率没关系。于是就继续做实验，结果证明P药会increase患心脏病的几率。
第二段，解释。服用P药的人对于健康比较关注，所以生活习惯各个方面都会注意保健，所以患病的几率小。然后做实验(记不得了，貌似有提到placebo),最后说，两个表面上有联系的事件可能是因为其他的原因而被联系在一起（主旨）
考题：
1）以下哪种情况与“服用原本增加患病几率的p药和患病几率减少”这个paradox最为相似？（这个表达是lz的理解，不是原来的表达）答案蛮好排除的
2）主旨题
3）nurse survey说明了什么？

clubman

1.2.5 企业贷款
    第一段说economist有一个经济现象hypothetical model内容主要说： when firms apply for a bank loan，他们需要知道自己的operating costs,但是operating cost会被其他因素影响，因此还需要向bank 申请evaluation, bank要对他们进行investigation.然后以High costs公司和low costs公司做例子，两种公司都去贷款，银行在批准时screening都要对它们进行evaluation. 当然银行不会自己出评估所花的钱啦，但是银行又不会所有公司都收这笔钱，因为这样会导致银行收所有公司的评估钱后又随便评估然后全都拒绝贷款（出考点，问银行为啥子不收所有公司的钱，狗主选C因为利润高银行没动力去认真评估），所以啦，银行会从最终批准拿loan的公司付这笔钱。而很明显的是能借到贷款的公司是在为那些没借到贷款的公司付后者的评估费喔。然后明显的是，银行一般都给low costs的公司贷款啊，所以总的来说都是low costs的公司在帮high costs的公司付那笔评估钱喔。
    第二段，讲为了避免帮Highcosts的公司付那笔钱啊,因为low costs公司觉得这是在浪费它自己的钱喔high cost firms will be subsidised by low cost firms. and the low cost firm knows that.，low cost公司会采取一个叫“post collateral”的策略。这个策略风险高啊，如果采取了这个策略但是又没贷到款的话，损失惨重喔。但是专家又说，一般如果low costs的公司预先知道自己条件好啊什么的，肯定能拿到贷款，这样做的话risk少，所以没关系。（考点，问第二段在全文是啥子作用，选项是讲述Low costs公司为了逃避帮别人付额外的评估费所采取的措施）
    第三段又说，但是，low cost公司做这个决定的时候还是必须得知道high cost公司会不会也采取“post collateral”策略才行喔，要是high cost公司采取，这样子风险高喔。但是，High cost公司基于自己本来不太可能拿得到贷款，如果采取那个策略的话，风险就更高，所以一般high cost公司不会采取这种策略。所以啦，现实生活中，一般是Low cost公司都会采取那个策略啦而high cost的公司就不会喔。所以捏，银行得出经验啦，如果看到low cost公司提出“post collateral”，就证明它挺有实力的，并且它不想帮别人付评估费。 但好公司给抵押也要一定程度的，至少比坏公司不愿给的程度多。     
第四段，讲这个手段为什么有效呢，因为 high cost公司模仿low cost的这种抵押成本很高——如果他们提供抵押担保的话，他们是很容易还不了债而损失掉抵押物的。


　题目：
1.问了下列哪个说法正确，（狗主选的是high-cost公司比low-cost公司更有可能进行欺骗性的抵押(这个答案确认)）
2.low-cost公司为什么要给抵押，我选的是不去进行审查从而躲避对坏公司的变相补贴(我选的好像不是这个)答案待确认
3. 银行只对批准贷款的公司作风险评估,为什么?
　　第二段说,银行的evaluation是有cost的,为了保证他们的cost可以recoup,他们通常只向贷款成功 的firm收费.
4. high cost firms 在什么情况下会去做质押？费用在可承受的范围内
5. 作者认为low cost company以什么的方法获得贷款？  Collateral

clubman

1.2.6 企业downsizing
由大萧条的企业裁员downsizing讲起，一面是大幅裁员一面是企业利润的大幅提升，是技术还是组织结构改变使得生产率提高？作者通过这两个是慢慢渗透而不是突发的，反驳了用这两个因素来解释生产力跃升到观点。二三段讲到了外包，企业把业务外包给小公司或者contigent的职员来做，说企业是通过外包压低了成本，解答了前面那个问题。

clubman

1.2.7 企业应如何解决污染(类似原文）
      The concept of resource productivity opens up a new way of looking at both the full systems costs and the value associated with any product. Resource inefficiencies are most obvious within a company in the form of incomplete material utilization and poor process controls, which result in unnecessary waste, defects, and stored materials. But there also are many other hidden costs buried in the life cycle of the product. Packaging discarded by distributors or customers, for example, wastes resources and adds costs. Customers bear additional costs when they use products that pollute or waste energy. Resources are lost when products that contain usable materials are discarded and when customers pay --directly or indirectly -- for product disposal.
     Environmental improvement efforts have traditionally overlooked these systems costs. Instead, they have focused on pollution control through better identification, processing, and disposal of discharges or waste -- costly approaches. In recent years, more advanced companies and regulators have embraced the concept of pollution prevention, sometimes called source reduction, which uses such methods as material substitution and closed-loop processes to limit pollution before it occurs.
But, although pollution prevention is an important step in the right direction, ultimately companies must learn to frame environmental improvement in terms of resource productivity. [1] Today managers and regulators focus on the actual costs of eliminating or treating pollution. They must shift their attention to include the opportunity costs of pollution --wasted resources, wasted effort, and diminished product value to the customer. At the level of resource productivity, environmental improvement and competitiveness come together.
     This new view of pollution as resource inefficiency evokes the quality revolution of the 1980s and its most powerful lessons. Today we have little trouble grasping the idea that innovation can improve quality while actually lowering cost.
     But as recently as fifteen years ago, managers believed there was a fixed trade-off. Improving quality was expensive because it could be achieved only through inspection and rework of the inevitable" defects that came off the line. What lay behind the old view was the assumption that both product design and production processes were fixed. As managers have rethought the quality issue, however, they have abandoned that old mind-set. Viewing defects as a sign of inefficient product and process design -- not as an inevitable byproduct of manufacturing -- was a breakthrough. Companies now strive to build quality into the entire process. The new mind-set unleashed the power of innovation to relax or eliminate what companies had previously accepted as fixed trade-offs.
第二段用defect做类比Like defects, pollution often reveals flaws in the product design or production process. Efforts to eliminate pollution can therefore follow the same basic principles widely used in quality programs: Use inputs more efficiently, eliminate the need for hazardous, hard-to-handle materials, and eliminate unneeded activities. In a recent study of major process changes at ten manufacturers of printed circuit boards, for example, pollution-control personnel initiated thirteen of thirty-three major changes. Of the thirteen changes, twelve resulted in cost reduction, eight in quality improvements, and five in extension of production capabilities. [2] It is not surprising that total quality management (TQM) has become a source of ideas for pollution reduction that can create offsetting benefits. The Dow Chemical Company, for example, explicitly identified the link between quality improvement and environmental performance by using statistical-process control to reduce the variance in processes and to lower waste.

题目：
1.此篇文章的main purpose
2.(Opportunity Cost 第一段两字高亮) 请问Opportunity Cost 指的是什么?possibilities lose in cost——possible losses if not prevent pollution
3.第二段的作用——选analogy 的方法，类比defect和pollution
4.有一题问有junction molecule的作用吧。有两个选项挺接近的。一个说improve interactive ability of two typs of molecule还有一个是conduit for information among cells. 我当时选了第一个，仔细想想的话应该是后一个吧。。大家到时候再仔细看吧


P1
传统的corporate 是以identify, examine, clean up pullution waste 为主轴, 是用被动的处理方式来对待pollution 的问题,认为控制环境污染会增加不必要的cost; 但是近几年的新公司是采用prevention-method. 比如说增加new equipment 来减少排放或是采取close monitor的主动方式来处理pollution问题. 但是作者指出了一个新的观点(有题) 说公司可以view pollution problems as opportunity cost - pollution problem indicates inefficiency in resource allocation 和company 的运行模式. 公司可以把pollution 问题进一步的看成是公司运作方式出了问题的警讯.(污染和公司的质量控制是同样的道理）

P2
更多对于opportunity cost 的解释和给予支持. 但是观点仍然是在opportunity cost 是一个比防范, 甚至治疗, 还要更加有效的方式. 企业应该要因此去从这个角度切入来重新检视公司的 resource allocation, 无论是employee, material 或者以外的资源
P3
总结说环境污染也可以像defect一样被控制，给了一些prospect, companies can be more efficient blahblahblah等等 其中的 "Can","Will" 都给了作者对于这个新方法的期望. 没题

clubman

1.2.8 法国女裁缝
V1 by lynnfordream
a.第一段 说法国在15世纪什么改革前出现一种什么衣服还是缝纫方法，它打破了垄断并且为女性提供了更多的参与商业的机会。一个叫C的人就研究这个了。 然后说这个商业机会还base on political support。
第二段貌似就说C和另外一个人t他们的观点有相同有不同。说了什么C好像是在pre-revolution。然后又说了revolution带来了什么影响。其中有个什么free the market 但是好像限制了political的活动，所以对那个纺织行业有影响。
题目：
1.有问C和T这俩人的观点相同地方在哪；
2.还有问提到那个缝纫方法的目的是什么，我觉得是通过它来反应当时的economy的一个什么现象吧。
3.CC和CH的分歧：选的 否认CH认为法国革命有作用的说法
4.讲M是为什么？   选的  法国革命前女性服装行业产品的变化。
In particular, the late-seventeenth-century introduction of a new style of dress called the manteau or mantua, and its increasing popularity,offered female seamstresses a "wedge " to loosen the tailors' monopoly overthe production of more formal, elite, and expensive women's fashions. This new product and more generally the exploding market for clothing, in particular women's clothing, provided seamstresses with the income and market niche from which to expand their numbers and to organize politically within the previously male-dominated trade. Furthermore, they could generally rely on the French state, with its agenda of economic development, to aid in this expansion and organization.女裁缝的规模扩大，且得到了政府政治上的支持。
In contrast with much of the prevailing historiography, Crowston demonstrates that when it was in the interest of the French state, authorities were happy to work with and encourage women workers as autonomous producers and not merely as family appendages to guild patriarchs.Crowston thus reinforces Hesse's claim that market expansion brought new opportunities for some women, but she locates these expanding opportunities in the political economy of the late Ancient Regime, rather than in the Revolution's overthrow of it.（市场扩大给妇女们带来了新机会，但这种机会不是由于革命，而是政治原因）
In Crowston's history, the seamstresses of Ancien Regime France emerge as relatively powerful and autonomous figures whose work, civic, and gender identities drew upon many sources, but were institutionalized in important ways because of the existence and practices of their guild.The destruction of the guild system during the Revolution thus represents a critical moment in the history of women's work and gender relations—from the perspective of women working in the garment trades, the "freeing" of the market from political constraints brought a largely negative transformation. A closer look at each of these works helps to reveal the origins of the tensions between these two interpretations.

补充资料：

"Fabricating Women"examines the social institution of the seamstresses' guild in Francefrom thetime of Louis XIV to the Revolution.

In contrast with previous scholarship on women and gender in the early modern period, Clare Haru Crowston asserts that the rise of the absolute state, with its centralising and unifying tendencies,could actually increase women's economic,social, and legal opportunities and allow them to thrive in corporate organization such as the guild.Yet Crowston also reveals paradoxical consequences of the guild's success, such as how its growing membership and visibility ultimately fostered an essentialised femininity thatwas tied to fashion and appearances. Situating the seamstresses' guild as bothan economic and political institution, Crowston explores in particular its relationship with the all-male tailors' guild, which had dominated the clothing fabrication trade in France until women challenged this monopoly during the seventeenth century. （女裁缝这种上升的趋势可以增加女人的经济，社会，机会。17世纪前这一行业一直有男人垄断，至今才有女人挑战。）
Combining archival evidence with visual images, technical literature, philosophical treatises, and fashion journals, she also investigates the techniques the seamstresses used to make and sell clothing, how the garments reflected and shaped modern conceptions of femininity, and guild officials' interactions with royal and municipal authorities. Finally, by offering a revealing portrait of these women's private lives - explaining, for instance, how many seamstresses went beyond traditional female boundaries by choosing to remain single and establish their own households - Crowston challenges existing ideas about women's work and family in early modern Europe. Although clothing lay at the heart of French economic production, social distinction, and cultural identity, "Fabricating Women" is the first book to investigate this immense and archetypal female guild in depth. It will be welcomed by students and scholars of French and European history, women's and labour history,fashion and technology, and early modern political economy.

clubman

1.2.9 landlord和tenant（原文）
    Any analysis of why the early fourteenth-century agrarian economy was so predisposed to 'crisis' necessarily requires careful consideration of class and property relations on the land, for, as Robert Brenner and S. H. Rigby have both emphasized, these could be of decisive importance.7At that time landlords exercised feudal rights of lordship over their tenants, many of whom were of servile status and therefore legally subordinate to their lords. This power relationship shaped the tenurial relationship between those who owned the land and those who occupied and worked it. Thus it was tenure, as regulated by landlords, that determined the supply of holdings and the form and level of rents that were charged. Until recently it was widely believedthat feudal tenurial relationships sanctioned and facilitated the extra-economic exploitation of tenants by their lords. Together, the heaviness of rent charges and the arbitrariness of lordship discouraged and depressed tenant investment in agriculture.8Meanwhile, lords were more interested in pursuing a feudal lifestyle of conspicuous consumption than in enhancing the productivity and profitability of their estates.9The upshot, it has been claimed, was a vicious circle of underinvestment, static technology, and low and declining agricultural productivity.(封建社会中，地主对承租人的剥削关系，有人认为这是投资不足的恶性循环）
     Such pessimistic views of lords and their relations with their tenants have long exercised a compelling appeal.15 Nevertheless, they have become increasingly difficult to reconcile with a growing body of historical evidence. The preoccupation（当务之急） with serfdom overlooks the numerous free tenants who were exempt from the most coercive aspects of lordship.16Free tenants mostly paid fixed and low rents and their property rights enjoyed the protection of the royal courts。The more substantial customary tenants were, in fact, relatively well off 。（自由租户收到宫廷的保护，交给地主较少的固定租金，相对富裕。） Many of these tenants certainly paid a proportion of their rent in labour, but historians, probably because of a modern abhorrence of the institution of forced labour, have exaggerated its economic significance. In reality, only a minority of tenants actually performed labour services, and the aggregate value of rents in cash far exceeded that of rents in kind.21 Notwithstanding the much-vaunted powers of lordship, tenants had long been remarkably effective at opposing efforts by lords to raise rents and increase labour services in line with rising land values and commodity prices.22They did so by countering seigniorial power with custom and denying that, as tenants, they were obliged to pay their lords anything more than a de facto ground rent for the land. Tenant right, in fact, often proved more powerful than landlord right.（ 只有少数的租户提供劳力服务，但他们有反对地主加租的权利，事实上，租户的权利比地主大）
    As this article argues, the fact that so many tenants were in such conspicuous economic difficulties by the early fourteenth century had less to do with feudal lordship per se and the supposed oppressions and inequalities of serfdom, than with the contradictions and inefficiencies inherent in the coexistence of customary, contractual and commercial relationships. Herein lay the real source of the agrarian problem in the early fourteenth century. In so far as lords were the inadvertent agents of this adverse state of affairs, it was because their dealings with their tenants were typically more compliant than coercive. By yielding to tenant demands for access to land on terms that were so favourable to the tenants, lords created the preconditions for the subdivision and subletting that stoked population growth and thereby engendered the rural congestion that was the source of so much under- and unemployment, with all the negative consequences that this implies for labour productivity, living standards and purchasing power. This deteriorating situation in the countryside acted as a brake upon the continued growth of the economy and, from 1315, left increasing numbers ever more cruelly exposed to the heightened risk of environmental hazard（地主想尽办法遏制了人口的发展和经济的增长，并使社会经济也衰退了）
Para1：
B：傳統的觀點認為，lord給tenant，特別是serf tenant （隸屬於lord的，給其交租納貢的tenant），帶來了極大的經濟壓力，因為tenant要交很高的稅負，要孝敬lord，缺乏人身自由。
Para2：
P：但是，這一觀點是不正確的，雖然老觀點有著很大的吸引力（作者用了compelling），但是它越來越不能回答近期發現的一些新證據（主題句）。
S：因為其一，有很大一部分是non serf tenant，這些人只要交很低的錢，有很大的自由度，小日子還挺滋潤；其二，即便是serf tenant，他們的生活也沒有那麼糟糕，他們還是有一定自主權的，諸如lord要增加稅賦的時候，他們可以提出反對意見，並且有一定的力量。
Para3:
S：但是中世紀的經濟還是惡化了，這是為什麼呢？究其原因，是因為，為了應付tenant想多租地擴大自身利益的欲望，地主想出了一系列方法。。。,生詞很多，看不太懂。。。結果就是造成巨大的 unemployment in rural area. 地主的這種做法相當於對經濟的一個“brake”，阻礙了14世紀的英國經濟發展。lord在表面上向tenant做了讓步使tenant獲得短期經濟利益，但是從長期來看，lord通過這些舉措遏制了人口和經濟的發展，並最終帶來了社會環境的惡化。
题目：
1.问是从文章infer出什么，我选项是landlord对土地权利神马的，不是totally free（因为第二段提到那个free tetant他们好像有royal court保护，所以landlord不是完全横行的）。
2.问你提到free-tenant的作用。答案：大意，举了个例子说明老观点不能解释一些新的evidence
3.主旨题
答案：貌似evaluate 14世纪英国经济停滞不前的真正原因
4.关于landlord赋予free tenant对土地的权利，作者同意哪个
A．serve the short term and long term interest of landlord;
B．serve the short term and long term interest of tenant;
C．serve neither short term nor long term interest of landlord;
D．serve neither short term nor long term interest of landlord;
E．serve short term interest of tenant but not the long term
骂完之后，违心地选了E

clubman

1.3.1苏联生物学家 1.3.4 neo理论
第一段：S, 支持达尔文的进化论，即最优基因繁殖最多。L 支持环境会影响基因的遗传，不利于物种进化的基因也会传给下一代。
第二段：S，L苏联人，S最大的错误就是和苏共体的主流学说抵触，而后讲因为这种主流学说在苏共体盛行， 达尔文的进化论在非苏联国家是主流。苏联支持L的理论。S迫于压力不得不考虑这个学说，研究环境和遗传，发现了进化论和L理论都没有的大发现。所以S的部分研究成果比起单独的两者（达尔文进化论和L进化论）更好
题目
（1）main idea题，选因为当时苏共体的风气，使得S的部分学说比起单独的进化论有优越
（2）Inference题，根据第二段说的，我选当时苏共体的科学家都相信L进化论
（3）问S和L的共识和相左的地方，根据第一段答，我选S不相信“不利于物种生存的基因也会由于环境的因素传给下一代”
（4）主旨题。contrast了两个生物学家的思想
（5）问：TDL对IIS有什么影响
（6）问IIS 与TDL的理论有什么区别？主要在第一段，都说到环境的影响。TDL认为环境对遗传有影响，但IIS不认为
背景知识
1、50年代在苏联由T.D.李森科（jj里提到的那位苏联盆友是也）所标榜的米丘林学说，强调生物在环境的直接影响下能够定向变异、获得性能够遗传。所有这些观点被称为neo新拉马克主义。
n2、Dobzhansky 的现代达尔文主义：现代综合进化论不同于传统的darwinism和neo darwinism，彻底否定获得性状的遗传，强调进化的渐进性，认为进化是群体而不是个体的现象。引入了群体遗传学的原理，弥补了新达尔文主义基因论的不足。并重新肯定了自然选择的压倒一切的重要性，继承和发展了达尔文进化学说。