6月3日换题库了——6月GMAT阅读RC个人整理版

clubman

        人文科学类

1．1．1 成本控制法
解释一下：这是一个经典的案例，用来解释ABC这种成分分析理论。考试的时候不一定是这个文章，但说的应该就是这么个事情，要弄清楚：
1.旧的理论和ABC比起来有什么不足
2.pen company的例子说明了什么问题
大家把它当做一道RC题来看就好
V1 by tracy175
第一篇目前就想起一片介绍一个成本控制法,貌似说了它的不足之处.

第二段开始,举例:两家造笔厂 生产相同数量的笔 ,一家全生产蓝笔 ,一家分别生产蓝 红 绿(貌似吧)三种颜色的笔 然后他们的成本不同. 最后说了一下不同的原因.
题目有in order to题 有问你举出造笔厂这个例子是干啥的

还有一些细节题

问如果按照actual cost来定价，结果会怎样？
选项有1.蓝笔会获得less profit，2.粉笔会获得less profit，3，所有笔都会获得less profit，4，所有笔的profit都不变。
思路: 因为蓝的分摊了其他颜色的高成本, 使蓝的Accounting cost 上升.
蓝的Actual cost (在没有分摊成本前是) 比Accounting cost 低.
所以蓝的Actual profit 比 accouting profit 高.
成本控制法，这篇我记得很清楚，来给大家详细补充一下。全文超长，两屏左右，5段，不过没有
              什么特别难的单词，所以其实并不难，感觉读起来像4,6级文章的感觉= =
第一段说过去的企业生产的产品比较少，计算单位成本就相对容易，而现在的企业生产的产品种类很多，过去计算单位成本的方法就有点过时了。
二到五段全部都在讲那个造笔厂的例子。
说有两个制造bollpencil的企业，A企业生产了10000支蓝笔，B企业生产1000支蓝笔，5000支粉色笔，和4000支其他颜色的笔，数字可能记混了，不过不影响。这样两家企业都生产10000支笔。
两家生产每支笔的劳动，机械成本都是相同的，但B企业是一种劳动分工，所以cost肯定要高一些，所以用过去的成本计算法计算的话，B企业的单位成本要高于A，但实际上呢，两家企业生产每一支蓝笔的cost肯定是一样的。
B的成本高了，所以B的定价肯定也要高于A，A因为价格比较低所以有了竞争优势，B就被迫将蓝笔降价出售，这样就造成了蓝笔的profit肯定不如其他颜色的笔，而B为了应对这个局面，放弃生产蓝笔，而去生产成本高于蓝笔的其他颜色的笔，从而造成了额外的负担。
洋洋洒洒地说了这么一大堆，也不知道大家看懂没有= =
问题有一个问举造笔厂的例子干嘛，我选的是说明了这种成本计算法的缺陷和不足
还有一个问题，是个infer题，问的是如果按照actual cost来定价，结果会怎样？
选项有1.蓝笔会获得less profit，2.粉笔会获得less profit，3，所有笔都会获得less profit，4，所有笔的profit都不变。
我选的是第一个，不过这个题目我不太懂，很不确定，请大家自己思考哈！
(这就是为什么文末提到 由于提高profit的原因而把 蓝的 production 完全去掉是不对的.)
ABC成本法
百科名片ABC成本法是根据事物的经济
、技术等方面的主要特征，运用数理统计方法，进行统计、排列和分析，抓住主要矛盾，分清重点与一般，从而有区别地采取管理方式的一种定量管理方法。

又称巴雷托分析法、主次因分析法 、ABC分析法、分类管理法、重点管理法。它以某一具体事项为对象，进行数量分析，以该对象各个组成部分与总体的比重为依据，按比重大小的顺序排列，并根据一定的比重或累计比重标准，将各组成部分分为ABC3类，A类是管理的重点，B类是次重点，C类是一般 。ABC管理法的原理是按巴雷托曲线所示意的主次关系进行分类管理。广泛应用于工业、商业、物资、人口及社会学等领域，以及物资管理、质量管理、价值分析、成本管理、资金管理、生产管理等许多方面。它的特点是既能集中精力抓住重点问题进行管理，又能兼顾一般问题，从而做到用最少的人力、物力、财力实现最好的经济效益。 　　ABC管理法的主要程序是：①收集数据，列出相关元素统计表。②统计汇总和整理。③进行分类，编制ABC分析表。④绘制ABC分析图。⑤根据分类，确定分类管理方式，并组织实施。

clubman

1.1.2 copyright （原文）
     This development, however, has a major downside: companies owning massive amounts of copyrighted works can, at their whim(突发奇想）, ban weaker cultural activities – not only from the marketplace, but also from the general audience's attention. This is happening under our very eyes. It is nigh（接近） impossible to ignore the blockbuster （重磅炸弹，了不起的人）movies, bestselling books and top–chart records presented to us by these cultural molochs, who, incidentally, own almost every imaginable right to these works. As a result, most people are completely unaware of all those other, less commercialized activities taking place in music, literature, cinema, theater and other arts. This is a tremendous loss to society, because our democratic（民主的） world can only truly thrive on a large diversity of freely expressed and discussed cultural expressions.
      Contrary to what one might expect, the seemingly endless possibilities of copying and sampling using modern digital technologies have so far only aggravated the situation. Publicly offering even a mere second's worth of copyrighted work will almost certainly attract attention from lawyers on behalf of the "owners" of said material. Sound artists, who used to freely sample work from others to build new musical creations, are now treated as pirates and criminals. Whole copyright enforcement industries have emerged, scouting the digital universe day and night for even the smallest snippet（片段） of copyrighted work used by others – and those found out, often stand to lose literally everything they have.Copyright has yet another intrinsic fault which makes it difficult to maintain in a democratic society. Copyright nowadays revolves almost exclusively around so–called intellectual property(知识产权）. This is a problem, since the traditional notion of property is largely irreconcilable with intangible（无形的） concepts such as knowledge and creativity; a tune, an idea or an invention will not lose any of its value or usefulness when it is shared among any number of people. In contrast, a single physical object, such as a chair, quickly becomes less useful when more people want access to it; in this latter case, the term "property" has a clear meaning and purpose. Unfortunately, in the past decades the legal definition of property has been extended way beyond any physical constraints. These days, almost anything can be someone's property, such as fragrances and colors; even the makeup of the proteins in our blood and the genes in our body cells are being claimed as the exclusive property of one company or another, which can subsequently bar anyone else from using it. It is therefore high time to reconsider the current concept of property.
With regard to artistic works, it is quite conceivable that no single person should have the right to claim exclusive ownership over, say, a particular tune. We all know that almost every work of art, and every invention, is based upon the work of predecessors. Now this doesn't mean we should have less respect for artists creating new works of art based on the work of others, and we're obliged to contribute to artists' well–being and income in our society. Yet rewarding their every single achievement, or reproduction or even interpretation thereof, with a monopoly lasting many decades, is too much, because it leaves nothing for other artists to build on. In fact, even criticizing the artist's work can become rather hazardous, as it "damages" his "property". Unpleasant as this may sound, things get even worse when we consider that the vast majority of copyrighted works is owned by a relatively small group of large conglomerates. These mega–industries create, invent or produce nothing at all, yet demand that artists sign over all rights to their works to them, just for the privilege of having their works distributed. From this point of view, there is ample(足够的） reason to send our current system of copyright to the scrapheap. Artists will of course feel threatened by such a bold move. After all, without copyright, they will lose all means of existence, now won't they? Well, not necessarily. Let's first look at some numbers. Research by economists shows that only 10 percent of artists collect 90 percent of copyright proceeds（收入）, and that the remaining 90 percent of artists must share the remaining 10 percent of proceeds. In other words: for the vast majority of artists, copyright has only marginal financial advantages. Then there's another peculiar fact: most artists have entered into some sort of covenant with the cultural industry – as if these two groups have even remotely similar interests! For example GEMA, the German copyright organization, sends approximately 70 percent of copyright proceeds abroad, mostly to the US, where several of the world's biggest cultural conglomerates（企业集团） reside. In this process, the average artist is nowhere to be seen.
考题：
1）under which circumstance will the international copyright system be less likely to hinder。。。
2）关于tune的，以下哪种说法正确？lz选的答案貌似是和效用有关的，就是把chair的特点反过来说
3）问mega-company导致了什么？lz选的答案好像与小众idea有关
4）主旨题
5)专利权，有个椅子和旋律的对比（有出题，往前找），还有就是批评大公司垄断专利（有两三道都是围绕这一论点来写的）。

第一段说，大部分的copyright集中于mega-company，它垄断了distribution networks，使得一些小众的东东不能出现在市面上,让市场的音乐都很单调。市场被同化，都是些大片等主流的东西，人们不能接触到小众的idea.
第二段说，这个copyright system有intrinsic缺陷。关于property. 对比了tune和chair, 说more access to a tune不会降低其效用，但是physical item比如chair，用的人多了，则会降低效用。
第三段接着第二段的chair 和tune, 继续解释。一小部分公司占了大部分得版权。artist创作往往是要借鉴他人的东西，而借鉴多少算侵犯别人的copyright很难界定。所以copyright system会阻碍艺术的发展......最后说，现在的copyright system是不合理的。

clubman

1.1.3 企业文化
公司的multinational和multicultural multinational.全文主要意思是说，multinational的advatage在于reduce cost，而multicuturald可以聚集local knowledge in different divisions。
说现在很多企业都是multinational，然后解释了一下，multinational的意思就是说，企业在一个nation建一个总部，其他分部的建立只是为了能够找到更便宜的worker。但有些企业在考虑转化为multicultural multinational，multicultural multinational的意思是说，每个地方的分部都是有其地方特色的，要听取每个地方的员工的建议，而不像multinational那样过度中央集权。但它的劣势显然就是成本太高了，因为要有地方特色的嘛。解决成本太高的问题是可以通过建立world standard来解决。最后说所以现在很多企业都面临这这样一个controversy problem, 绝大多数只能做到其中的一点，而做不到两者。
题目：问controversy problem高亮，问的是你infer可以怎么解决这个controversy problem
我选的是实行multicultural multinational但不使用world standard。

clubman

1.1.4建筑技术----新老观点对比题
   
第一段：Hawaii的temple一个xx特征让科学家相信它们是比之前认为的建造的更快，社会历史文化变化比之前预想要快的（有题）
第二段：科学家通过元素追踪的技术来研究建庙用的珊瑚来验证他们的想法，这些新的数据与他们原来的设想的是相符合的(consistent)（有题） 证实了他们的猜想
问题：1.主旨题
      2.珊瑚的作用：Ornamentally.（装饰品）
      3.发现了什么：比之前的预想要快
      4.新的数据与原来的设想是相符合的，证明了猜想。
Pihanakalani heiau in Wailuku, Maui, one of the oldest Hawaiian temples on the island, is believed to have been built in the 13th century. but using modern radiocarbon-dating techniques, anthropologist Michael Kolb of Northern Illinois University said he has determined the ancient temple was erected in the early 13th century, at the start of a 500-year span of heiau construction that peaked during times of great political and social change.（通过碳检测得知古神坛是早于13世纪修建的，且在政治和社会改变的时候达到高峰。）
    Pilana:His research indicates the temple was renovated at least seven times, a common practice as new chiefs came into power.Oftentimes they wouldn't build new ones, but go in and modify and adds wings to existing temples.（每当新得酋长到来，就重新修饰）
      Kirch :many major Hawaiian temples on Maui were built within a 30-year span coinciding with Pi'ilani's rise to power.
      Most of the coral samples used in Kirch's research were taken from the surface of heiau and may not reflect the period of original construction, Kolb said, since materials were recycled during subsequent alterations. （珊瑚来自神坛的外表用于装饰，不能真正反应建筑时间）
      In response, Kirch said that his research did not claim that no heiau were built before the late 1500s and 1600s, but rather that the period was a rapid phase of temple construction, which he said is in "good agreement" with Kolb's findings.
       政权交替和temple的重建，用珊瑚同位素可以证明

clubman

1.1.5 改善交通理论（原文）

Freedom for traffic
      An unassuming Dutch traffic engineer showed that streets without signs can be safer than roads cluttered with arrows, painted lines, and lights.  And Monderman certainly changed the landscape in the provincial city of Drachten, with the project that, in 2001, made his name. At the town center, in a crowded four-way intersection called the Laweiplein, Monderman removed not only the traffic lights but virtually every other traffic control. Instead of a space cluttered with poles, lights, “traffic islands,” and restrictive arrows, Monderman installed a radical kind of roundabout (a “squareabout,” in his words, because it really seemed more a town square than a traditional roundabout), marked only by a raised circle of grass in the middle, several fountains, and some very discreet indicators of the direction of traffic, which were required by law.
     As I watched the intricate social ballet that occurred as cars and bikes slowed to enter the circle (pedestrians were meant to cross at crosswalks placed a bit before the intersection), Monderman performed a favorite trick. He walked, backward and with eyes closed, into the Laweiplein. The traffic made its way around him. No one honked, he wasn’t struck. Instead of a binary, mechanistic process—stop, go—the movement of traffic and pedestrians in the circle felt human and organic. (M自己闭上眼睛，倒走到他设计的路中间，结果并没有像在普通道路上一样——所有的车刹车再启动，而是车辆依然有序行驶。)
      A year after the change, the results of this “extreme makeover” were striking: Not only had congestion decreased in the intersection—buses spent less time waiting to get through, for example—but there were half as many accidents, even though total car traffic was up by a third. Students from a local engineering college who studied the intersection reported that both drivers and, unusually, cyclists were using signals—of the electronic or hand variety—more often. They also found, in surveys, that residents, despite the measurable increase in safety, perceived the place to be more dangerous. This was music to Monderman’s ears. If they had not felt less secure, he said, he “would have changed it immediately.”(实验一年后的结果：拥挤减少、事故减少)
      Monderman believed that the best way to change people’s behavior was to change the context. This simple insight was one of the foundations of his traffic revolution, which took root a decade before he remade Drachten. In the mid-1980s,   Monderman, then a regional safety inspector for Friesland, was dispatched to the small village of Oudehaske to check the speed of car traffic through the town’s center (two children had been fatally struck). Previously, Monderman, like any good Dutch traffic engineer, would have deployed, if not an actual traffic light, the tools of what is known as “traffic calming”: speed bumps, warning signs, bollards, or any number of highly visible interventions.（交代了背景：作为交通安全官员，M被发配到一个小村里去检测城镇中心的车速。按常理，控制车速的手段不外乎装红绿灯、减速带等）
     But those solutions were falling out of favor with his superiors, because they were either ineffective or too expensive. (但是M觉得在这个town，既没有必要也太贵。)At a loss, Monderman suggested to the villagers, who as it happens had hired a consultant to help improve the town’s aesthetics, that Oudehaske simply be made to seem more “villagelike.” The interventions were subtle. （正评价）Signs were removed, curbs torn out, and the asphalt replaced with red paving brick, with two gray “gutters” on either side that were slightly curved but usable by cars. As Monderman noted, the road looked only five meters wide, “but had all the possibilities of six.”The results were striking. Without bumps or flashing warning signs, drivers slowed, so much so that Monderman’s radar gun could not even register their speeds. 通过这种改进（把town改造的更villagelike,车速都自然降低了，雷达都检测不到）Rather than clarity and segregation, he had created confusion and ambiguity. （注意这段：因为他的方法制造了一种错觉，司机不知道哪条是他该走的路，所以开车不会很莽撞）Unsure of what space belonged to them, drivers became more accommodating. Rather than give drivers a simple behavioral mandate—say, a speed limit sign or a speed bump—he had, through the new road design, subtly suggested the proper course of action. And he did something else. He used context to change behaviour.（用观念改变行为 ）He had made the main road look like a narrow lane in a village, not simply a traffic-way through some anonymous town.
1. JJ中提到的在第一个城市中实施的一系列措施对城市有什么改善（选项有:
A. make the moving traffic quicker
B. reduce the number or the severity of the accidents
2.    那道两个城市中的共同点：其实两个地方的措施是不一样的。第一个城市是在一个中心建立roundabout island，第二个是说把道路建的更加village like。只有一点是相同的，就是这个人设计的理念。He used context to change behaviour.（用观念改变行为)
3.    这个人的措施作用（我貌似选了让大家更cooperative，不确定）

clubman

题目：
      1.公交车是怎么样的？
      2.M在实施理论前做了很多东西，学了很多理论
      3.问提到这两个confusion和ambiguity是要干嘛？M改造让这个城市变得village like
      4.第三段的作用：give a summary of ..../ 解释one of change的意图 ？
      5.两个城市的案例有什么相似之处：
A和B都关于移除，一个是交通灯一个是其他信号标志吧，C是说都以提高行车速度为目标，E是都造成了行人和司机们彼此 more consideration 的效果
       6.关键在于改变人们的时间观念He used context to change behaviour.（用观念改变行为 ）
补充材料：Shared space is an urban design concept aimed at integrated use of public spaces.
Shared space removes the traditional segregation of motor vehicles, pedestrians and other road users. Conventional road priority management systems and devices such as kerbs, lines, signs and signals are replaced with an integrated, people-oriented understanding of public space, such that walking, cycling, shopping and driving cars become integrated activities.
History
The term 'shared space' was used by Tim Pharoah to describe informal street layouts with no traffic demarcation (see for example "Traffic Calming Guidelines" published by Devon County Council, 1991). The shared space concept has been associated strongly with the work of Hans Monderman, based on the observation that individuals' behaviour intraffic is more positively affected by the built environment of the public space than it is by conventional traffic control devices and regulations.
The goal of shared space is an improvement in road safety, encouraging negotiation of shared areas at appropriate speeds and with due consideration for the other users, using simple rules like giving way to the right. The term shared space should probably not be too closely defined, since there is wide scope for varying the design concept.
Safety, congestion, economic vitality and community severance can be effectively tackled in streets and other public spaces if they are designed and managed to allow traffic to be fully integrated with other human activity, not separated from it. A major characteristic of a street designed to this philosophy is the absence of traditional road markings, signs, traffic signals and the distinction between "road" and "pavement". User behaviour becomes influenced and controlled by natural human interactions rather than by artificial regulation.
Monderman is quoted as saying: "We're losing our capacity for socially responsible behaviour, ...The greater the number of prescriptions, the more people's sense of personal responsibility dwindles."  Another source attributes the following to Monderman: "When you don't exactly know who has right of way, you tend to seek eye contact with other road users... You automatically reduce your speed, you have contact with other people and you take greater care."
     Sum:这个理论主要说的就是去掉行驶线、交通信号灯等交通规则的“提示物”，激发人们的自觉地自我约束行为，这样的交通管理效果更好。但是这个理论也有人质疑，主要两
个原因：一是觉得残疾人不方便；二是很多骑车的人觉得不安全

clubman

1．1．6 专利保护法
关于美国1995年和2006年的两个关于trademark还是patent的专利保护法案的，就一个F法案通过了以后怎样怎样保护专利所有人，但是说这个法案不利于法官判，后来又有个更保守T法案通过了，能先剔除一些case先缩小了到法庭打官司的范围，然后judges就很高兴。

词汇：Trademark 、patent、 conservative

Federal Trademark Dilution Act of 1995
Trademark Dilution Revision Act of 2006 (TDRA)
Trademark dilution theory 商标稀释理论is one of the most contentious aspects of trademark law.Although Congress enacted the Federal Trademark Dilution Act (“FTDA”) in 1996, courts struggle to interpret the statutory language.The definition of dilution is unclear, and the appropriate standard for injunctive relief is hotly contested.激辩申请禁止侵权
    Additionally, no uniform framework for litigating dilution claims exists.The Supreme Court’s 2003 edict on trademark dilution in Moseley v. V Secret Catalogue, Inc. did little to quell disputes because the Court only addressed the standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.Recently, in response  to the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the FTDA in  Moseley, Congress proposed an overhaul of the trademark anti-dilution law.Presently, Congress appears close to enacting the Trademark Dilution Revision Act of 2006 (“TDRA”).
    This note evaluates whether  the proposed TDRA provides beneficial alternatives to the  current definition of dilution, methodologies for analyzing claims, and standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.  Part I provides an overview of trademark law and historical highlights of trademark dilution, including the emergence of blurring and tarnishment theories.  Part II  investigates the inherent weaknesses of the FTDA definition of dilution, explores courts’various methodologies for  analysis of dilution claims, and explains the interpretations of the standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.  Part III explains the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the FTDA and identifies statutory language changes made by the TDRA in the three areas of dilution law explored in Part II.  Part IV discusses the prospective impact  of the TDRA in the three areas highlighted in Part II.  Part  V concludes the TDRA effectively addresses the need for a clear definition of dilution and analytical framework, and presents a pragmatic standard for injunctive relief.
      Until 2006, the FTDA was distinguished from most state trademark dilution laws in several ways: (1) The FTDA protects only "famous" trademarks; most state statutes do not explicitly require trademarks to be "famous" to be protected against dilution. (2) The FTDA, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, protected only against "actual" dilution of a trademark, whereas most state statutes provided trademark owners with a remedy whenever they could show a "likelihood" of dilution. (3) The Supreme Court suggested (although it did not have occasion to hold) that the FTDA protected only against dilution by "blurring" and not against dilution by "tarnishment" (see below).
Amendments to the FTDA took effect on October 6, 2006. The Act still protects only famous marks. However, Congress amended the act so that it expressly provides protection against a use of a mark that is "likely" to cause dilution. The new statute thus eliminates the requirement of proving "actual dilution."新的法案不要求提供actual dilution的证据，因此变得容易

问题：  
1、主旨题
2、法官为何喜欢修改过的法案，对于dilution的释义更明确

clubman

1.1.7 书店
第一段说，chain store的大量涌现使得independent store不能生存，减少了regional difference. 然而，chain store的发展是考虑regional因素的，比如geography,economy等等。举例，先是washington以及O打头的一个州，说这两个地方bookstore多是weather原因，rain多；然后说Alaska和Hawaii，地势偏远，进货难需要时间。然后又提到了Alaska和Hawaii的差别。
第二段说，independent store并没有完全消失，它们的经营策略是避免head-on冲突，到chain store少的地方经营，或者专注于special market. 书店不光卖书，还搞book signing等一系列活动。随着作者的national tour减少，这种在书店里的签名售书越来越普遍。
      Analysts say retail bookstore chains will cease to exist as we know them, underperforming stores will close and bookstore chains will be reduced to a few localized stores catering to specialized local needs.  
      Bookstore chains must reduce their retail footprints in order to survive, according to Wahlstorm.  He said that there is a high likelihood that Barnes & Noble like Borders will close underperforming stores in coming years.
      To stay relevant bookstore chains would have to use their store space productively and find a market niche, according to Bishop.
     “They can try to drive traffic and sales through the physical stores by means like adding cafes, establishing relationships with the local community, and offering exclusive or targeted products (B&N is making a big push toward its new educational toys & games department),” wrote Wahlstrom.（针对本地市场推出营销方案）
      Maybe bookstore chains have a lesson to learn from smaller independent book stores that have dodged the online and e-books bullets by keeping unique selections of books and providing social space to their local communities.（地方的小书店和社区关系紧密） “Independent bookstores are very well connected to their communities. When you do that there will always be value for your bookstore,” said Lubeck. He said that bookstore chains should adopt this successful formula.

题目：
1.the passage suggests, at the time when it was written, which of the following is true？答案选项两个是关于W和O这两个州的，三个是throughout the United States. lz选的是national tour is

clubman

1.1.8 外包服务
第一段: 1980年之后，美国公司大量裁人，但单位生产率并未提升，产出并没有下降；分析了不是高科技运用提高了生产率，另有原因。
第二段: 原因是大量业务外包，因为公司追求更少的人工成本，因为除了不用支付更多的工资，也不用支付那么多福利。同时公司做法并不违反劳工合同，因为skilled employee公司会继续留用。

背景：经济滞涨时期，企业采取外包，节约成本。但是，带来问题，但是不违反劳动合同。  
    Outsourcing is when one company sells a part of their company to another. This usually happens when the company wants to save money. Outsourcing was first mainly seen in the early 1980’s during a time of stagflation滞涨, or a time where economic growth is slow, unemployment rates and inflation is high.  Foreign competition in trade had steady rates compared to the United States market and had a cost advantage over American goods. Car companies, which were suffering greatly during this time, took a radical step and moved about ten factories out of Michigan to Mexico (2,5).(外包服务发生在滞涨时期，由于公司为了节约成本而产生）
        This outraged愤慨，暴行 the United Autoworkers Union (UAW) because American’s who worked in the factories that had been outsourced, were left jobless.  UAW negotiated with the car companies to keep the outsourcing of the parts division to overseas countries . The car factories use of outsourcing caught the eyes of other businesses: companies saw profit with the use of outsourcing. Soon after more and more companies began expand their companies in Mexico, on the Mexico-United states border.  Many American citizens failed to notice the outsourcing that was beginning to happen on the United States-Canadian border.  Outsourcing of filmmaking was a common in the 1990’s, but also to the manufacturing of parts.  Canada’s trade with the United States began to increase and benefit, while American parts suppliers began to go bankrupt and lay off their workers .(UAW不满这样的外包行为而商议，汽车公司将其余部分业务外包到墨西哥和加拿大边界上，加拿大的贸易量和利润上升而与此同时美国的部分供应商倒闭，工人失业).
This trend in outsourcing in the United States has been increasing steadily since its debut in the 1980’s, but now is being exposed to the average American.   Common jobs, such as calculating worker’s payrolls, can be found in overseas companies, that provide cheaper labor, then it would cost if an American laborer worked for the company in the United States .  Competition between companies is increasing, and companies that outsource have a great advantage over companies who only work within the United States territory.  The cutting of jobs in American businesses is becoming increasingly common, leaving healthy, skilled, and knowledgeable people to suffer as they look for the few available jobs in their area.  Companies take advantage of the cheap labor to allow their businesses to expand, which is the main reason that outsourcing continues to grow

题目：
1.主旨题
2.问为什么要外包，选降低人工成本。
3.问为什么说不违反劳工合同。
4.1930年的裁员是不是因为二战的影响——经济大萧条时期
    5.1980年萧条，确实经济困难（有考点），所以裁员；1993年，外包裁员，降低labor cost是实质（有考点）。

clubman

1.1.9 女性受男性影响 （原文）
Guardianship（保护，监护） over women in medieval Flanders: a reappraisal（重新评估）


    Recent debates in premodern women's history have focused on women's social and legal position. The greatest contention（论点） appears to center on the particular systems or conditions that most consistently determined women's social status and the scope of their activity. Judith Bennett, for example, argues that patriarchy（父系社会） is the defining system, while Bridget Hill maintains that economic factors are at least equally important.(1) Neither, however, questions the assumption that women's status was somehow essentially inferior to that of men.(2) Female inferiority is perhaps most clearly expressed in the automatic guardianship of men over women, and not surprisingly, guardianship over women looms large（显得突出） in most studies of secular（现世的） women.(3) When a society is deemed patriarchal, there is, in fact, a strong tendency to assume that constraints（约束） on women's activities exemplify（证实） guardianship, or at least reflect an underlying tendency in that direction. It is nevertheless important to avoid any reflexive equation of patriarchy with guardianship over women.
第一段作者反驳了两个观点：父系社会对妇女地位的影响因素，还有经济因素对妇女地位的影响。
并且提出了自己的观点：以上两种观点都忽略了一个前提，那就是男性自动自发的监护、保护成为了女人地位低于并且依附于男人的因素。

   This assumption may well underlie two of the principal studies of the social history of medieval Flanders, both of which are predicated on（以...作为基础） the existence of guardianship over women. In The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children and the Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent, David Nicholas states "[m]ost women had legal personalities only through male guardians. The guardian's consent was implied even if he was not present to speak for her. The guardian of a single woman was normally her father or failing him a brother or uncle. Her husband assumed legal responsibility for her when she married."(4) A few pages later he reiterates that "single adult women were normally under the guardianship of their fathers or brothers, with tutelage （监护）reverting more generally to the kindred（亲属） if males of the conjugal（结婚的） family were dead or incompetent."(5)妇女的法律人格要通过男性监护来体现。而其本身无独立法律地位。
这一段说的是：第一段的新观点成为了两个中世纪Flanders的社会的理论研究的基础。这两个理论研究都是以guardianship作为基础的。他们得到了一个人（DN）的支持和验证。

    Nicholas's work, however, is seriously flawed. In the first place, he documents only the sentence ending "through male guardians;" the rest of his statements lack citation.（引证）（匹配jj，缺乏documentation文献材料） He provides no bibliography（参考文献）, and a search through his notes reveals that he did not look very far beyond the holdings of the city archives（档案） in Ghent. Although his introduction provides an overview of the historiography（编史） on European women's history in general, it is most notable for the absence of the works of Flemish scholars on this subject. While one can hardly fault him for omitting reference to works of contemporary scholars such as that of Marianne Danneel,(6) his neglect of the work of Philippe Godding, of E. M. Meijers, and particularly of Jean Gilissen, a leading legal historian in the field, is incomprehensible（令人费解的）.)
第三段是说DN的理论缺乏必要的根据。表现在他没有参考同时代Flemish人（Flander地方的人）的一些文献材料与观点。他的研究也没有跳出Ghent这个地方的局限。)缺乏文献支持male guardians的观点

     In the second place, his one note refers the reader not to legal texts, but instead to W. van Iterson's Vrouwenvoogdij ("Guardianship over Women").(8) Despite its title, however, Iterson's work does not confirm Nicholas's claims. For one thing, the focus of Iterson's work is the northern, not the southern Low Countries.(9) Secondly, a majority of the evidence Iterson cites comes from the fifteenth, not the fourteenth century. Thirdly, Iterson's stated focus is not all women, but only unmarried ones.(10) Finally, Iterson's conclusions are actually contrary to those of Nicholas; he states unequivocally（明确的）, in fact, that "there are no traces of a general fixed guardianship over an unmarried woman who has attained her majority."(11) He maintains instead that incidences of guardianship over single women in the northern Low Countries are, in fact, ad hoc（特别的） in nature.(12)（I的主张与N不同，不是确认N的结果）
第四段作者继续说DN的理论缺陷。因为DN只是参照了Iterson的观点，但是Iterson的观点除了书名外与DN的都不一致。表现在以下四个方面：Iterson着重的是北方的城市，证据来源于15世纪而不是14世纪，他只着重研究未婚妇女，第四，Iterson书中的观点与DN相对，他说guardianship对于独身女性来说是很特别的，也很难追溯。

There are reasons for Nicholas's difficulty in finding adequate documentation for his claims. The conditions he outlines echo those associated primarily with Roman law,(13) but Roman law, as Philippe Godding had abundantly demonstrated, had a negligible（微不足道的） impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century.(14) Furthermore, no item or provision（条款） in any keure (customary law of a community) directly addressed the issue of guardianship over women, and only one so much as implied a belief in womanly weakness that might, by extension, be taken to have necessitated guardianship.(15) Since guardianship over women, married or not, finds no expression in law codes, it must instead be deduced from（从...得出结论） practice.(16) Godding, the author of Le droit prive dans les Pays-Bas meridionaux du 12e au 18e siecle, readily acknowledges this state of affairs, but he, like Nicholas, assumes that some sort of a system of guardianship over women was in place; Godding does caution, to be sure, that actual practice was far from uniform.(17)
第五段说DN的理论难以得到文献的支撑的原因有二：第一，他的理论条件来源于当地的一部法律，但是这个法律在15世纪前，对Flander的人来说微不足道。第二， 法律中也并没有明确说明监护女人的这一条，只是说了句女人是弱者，因此可能需要必要的保护。所以DN的理论是从实践中而不是法律条文中得出的。
另外，本段也提到了另一个作家Godding，下个段落会详细说他。

   Guardianship is not the principal focus of either work, and neither scholar spends a great deal of time proving its existence. Although much of the rest of his analysis is predicated on guardianship over women, it is enough for Nicholas to have asserted its existence. He may have assumed, in fact, that since Flemish society was patriarchal, women must have been under some form of guardianship. Occasions when men act with women simply serve to confirm such an assumption. Godding is far more judicious（明智的）, providing one or two examples that might be considered to reflect guardianship within the context of a forthright discussion of the likelihood of its existence. At least upon one occasion, however, his evidence does not bear out（支撑） his conclusion. He claims, for example, that women in Lille were prohibited from judging men. The basis for this assertion is chapter 43 of the Lillois custumal. Chapter 43 states that men will judge men; it is easy to see how Godding arrived at the conclusion that women will not judge men. But the item also states that women will judge women. If one consistently applies the logic of Godding's own argument, this means that just as women are incapable of judging men, men are incapable of judging women hardly an indication of guardianship over women.(18)
这一段说的是DN他假设Flander是父系社会，女人要受男人保护。Godding显然要更明智，因为他提供了例子而不是假设。但是他的例子中起码有一个也是不能支撑他的观点的。（就是他说女人不能审判男人的那个例子，但是他曲解了引用原文的意思，所以不对）

     Our thesis, in contrast to the above, is relatively straightforward: that the lack of legal texts specifically addressing guardianship over women simply reflects the absence of any such systematic practice – that patriarchy, at least in medieval Flanders, did not necessarily imply guardianship over women. 新观点 If guardianship over women was not uniform, then any particular instances of it were probably ad hoc in nature, as Iterson suggests, and not systematic. An examination of constraints on bodily integrity, on the possession and disposal of property, on women's position within the family, on employment, and on public participation reveals, in fact, that men did not act for women in any systematic fashion. It also reveals not only that men were not economically responsible for women but also that they did not have to act for them in public. The pairing of women with men in the documents was, with one exception, not a reflection of the demands of guardianship but rather an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted. The exception has to do with land held in feudal tenure.(19) Women participating in transactions involving fiefs were always represented by some man, acting as either guardian or advocate. Flanders was hardly feudal, however, and it would certainly be inappropriate to generalize the requirements pertinent to this one system of land tenure to cover all instances of female activity.
这一段提出了作者的新观点：缺乏文献支撑的男人保护女人的观点显然表明了现实中这种保护不存在普遍性。事实上男人也确实不会保护女人或在经济上对其负责。其实男人与女人的关系不是保护与被保护，而是两者作为一个合作共体的表现。

     The focus of this study is explicitly on secular women. Since urban areas left more records than did rural ones, the study centers primarily though not exclusively on women living in the major Flemish towns: Bruges, Douai, Ghent, Lille, and Ypres. The reason for leaving religious women out of the picture, even though the degree to which they exercised particularly local authority contributes significantly to our understanding of Flemish women's historical experience as a whole, is that they lived, for the most part, under quite distinct legal and social conditions. The exception, of course, was the beguines, who were neither fish (avowed) nor fowl (secular women). To include them would make this essay far too long; moreover, a large number of studies already focus on them.(20)
最后一段是说DN的研究主要在世俗妇女上，并且并不只研究生活在大城镇的妇女。另外，他也没有包括宗教女性，因为她们生活在一个非常不同的法律和社会环境中。

题目：观点绕的挺多。大家注意它举的例子。我考的题目几乎全是例子的细节题。