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[阅读资料] 6月GMAT阅读新题(1-42题)

人文科学类... 2

111     成本控制法... 2

1.1.2 copyright
2

1.1.3 企业文化... 5

1.1.4建筑技术... 7

1.1.5 改善交通理论... 9

116 专利保护法... 15

1.1.7 书店*. 15

1.1.8 外包服务*. 19

1.1.9 女性受男性影响... 22

1.2.1 boater*. 23

1.2.2 预测未来... 27

1.2.3 日本经济*. 28

1.2.4 P药与心脏病关系... 31

1.2.5 企业贷款... 32

1.2.6 企业downsize. 33

1.2.7 企业应如何解决污染... 33

1.2.8 法国女裁缝... 33

1.2.9 landlordtenant
33

1.3.1 苏联生物学家... 34

1.
GWD-11-Q35 -Q37
当代女权主义者对20年代妇女选举权运动的评价... 34

2.
GWD-4-Q5 to Q7
工业化城市化理论不能解释妇女选举权问题(以瑞士为例)... 36

1.3.3 guardianship. 39

1.3.3 南丁格尔 原文... 39

1.3.4 neo理论... 44

1.3.5 广告用气味... 44

1.3.6 妇女地位与政党... 45

自然科学类... 46

211生物进化理论... 46

2.1.2 玻璃*. 47

V2 by 沫澧 700. 47

2.1.3 地震前鸟行为... 55

2.1.4 气温上升... 56

2.1.5特殊植物... 57

2.1.6 Concrete. 60

2.1.7 生物种群的多样性... 61

2.1.8 农作物... 63

2.1.9 热带气温下降... 64

2.2.1 steam egenier
64

2.2.2 limb进化... 65

2.2.3 GWD27 q3-q6. 66

2.2.4 伽利略水泵... 69

2.2.5 galaxy cluster
70

2.2.6
海洋动物... 70

2.2.7行星颜色... 70

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人文科学类
1.1.1        成本控制法
V1 by tracy175
第一篇 目前就想起一片 介绍一个成本控制法,貌似说了它的不足之处. 第二段开始,举例:两家造笔厂 生产相同数量的笔 ,一家全生产蓝笔 ,一家分别生产蓝 红 绿(貌似吧)三种颜色的笔 然后他们的成本不同. 最后说了一下不同的原因.
题目有in order to题 有问你举出造笔厂这个例子是干啥的     
还有一些细节题

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1.1.2 copyright
V1 by tracy175
第二篇 是讲版权的问题 copyright  有关maga company注重歌手的版权问题 为了控制市场 但这样会有碍文化的多元吧  具体的内容不记得了
考到了主旨题
V2 by jessicaxia
copyright system
第一段说,大部分的copyright集中于mega-company,它垄断了distribution networks,使得一些小众的东东不能出现在市面上。市场被同化,都是些大片等主流的东西,人们不能接触到小众的idea.
第二段说,这个copyright system有intrinsic缺陷。关于property. 对比了tune和chair, 说more access to a tune不会降低其效用,但是physical item比如chair,用的人多了,则会降低效用。
第三段接着第二段的chair 和tune, 继续解释。artist创作往往是要借鉴他人的东西,而借鉴多少算侵犯别人的copyright很难界定。所以copyright system会阻碍艺术的发展......最后说,现在的copyright system是不合理的。
考题:
1)under which circumstance will the international copyright system be less likely to hinder。。。
2)关于tune的,以下哪种说法正确?lz选的答案貌似是和效用有关的,就是把chair的特点反过来说
3)问mega-company导致了什么?lz选的答案好像与小众idea有关
4)主旨题
V3 by angella0228 710
第二个是说音乐版权的。
Para1:说那些有版权的公司让大众只接触大片、有名的音乐,而不能接触那些无名的音乐,让市场的音乐都很单调。
Para2:从传统观念说。财产是包括无形的东西的,如creativity.没人会觉得一个tune是一种property.
Para3:一小部分公司占了大部分得版权。只考虑这些music他们是否有特权 todistribute.
V4 by yueyilei
专利权,有个椅子和旋律的对比(有出题,往前找),还有就是批评大公司垄断专利(有两三道都是围绕这一论点来写的)。
V5 by 渔夫summer
有寂静上那个copyright, 说这个政策不好,有三段吧,第一段说少数companies 掌握了 the majority of copyrights. 所以 压制了diversity of artists 的创造空间啥的。。。第二段说其实怎样认识intellitual properties也 是不同的,比如说tunes大家下载了之后并不变的less uesful 而chairs 用过了之后就useless了 完了,第三段又说了神马大多数公司掌握了copyrights,但是他们并不进行创作,而是顾着挣钱,啥的。。。。 恩,好像是这么回事。。。。
V6 by sherryzhao
copyright,第一段说什么international corp不利于social diversity之类的意思
第二段应该是说copyright作为一个property的话,限制了大家的share,
V7 by rachewl1989 680
一篇音乐知识产权垄断的那个,也很长的。大概以第一段是说知识产权这个system不好,阻碍了什么的传播,使得垄断的那些公司的commercial作品占据了主流市场。然后当中介绍了一下无形资产这个概念,还用椅子做了比喻(这里有题,大概是问你无形资产的特点什么的,注意椅子那边的细节,我选的好像是不会因为有好多人用了就减少了什么的)然后最后一段又回过头来说公司的垄断对音乐市场的阻碍什么的。

感谢cgzjessieli同学提供原文
This development, however, has a major downside: companies owning massive amounts of copyrighted works can, at their whim, ban weaker cultural activities – not only from the marketplace, but also from the general audience's attention. This is happening under our very eyes. It is nigh impossible to ignore the blockbuster movies, bestselling books and top–chart records presented to us by these cultural molochs, who, incidentally, own almost every imaginable right to these works. As a result, most people are completely unaware of all those other, less commercialized activities taking place in music, literature, cinema, theater and other arts. This is a tremendous loss to society, because our democratic world can only truly thrive on a large diversity of freely expressed and discussed cultural expressions.
Contrary to what one might expect, the seemingly endless possibilities of copying and sampling using modern digital technologies have so far only aggravated the situation. Publicly offering even a mere second's worth of copyrighted work will almost certainly attract attention from lawyers on behalf of the "owners" of said material. Sound artists, who used to freely sample work from others to build new musical creations, are now treated as pirates and criminals. Whole copyright enforcement industries have emerged, scouting the digital universe day and night for even the smallest snippet of copyrighted work used by others – and those found out, often stand to lose literally everything they have.Copyright has yet another intrinsic fault which makes it difficult to maintain in a democratic society. Copyright nowadays revolves almost exclusively around so–called intellectual property. This is a problem, since the traditional notion of property is largely irreconcilable with intangible concepts such as knowledge and creativity; a tune, an idea or an invention will not lose any of its value or usefulness when it is shared among any number of people. In contrast, a single physical object, such as a chair, quickly becomes less useful when more people want access to it; in this latter case, the term "property" has a clear meaning and purpose. Unfortunately, in the past decades the legal definition of property has been extended way beyond any physical constraints. These days, almost anything can be someone's property, such as fragrances and colors; even the makeup of the proteins in our blood and the genes in our body cells are being claimed as the exclusive property of one company or another, which can subsequently bar anyone else from using it. It is therefore high time to reconsider the current concept of property.
With regard to artistic works, it is quite conceivable that no single person should have the right to claim exclusive ownership over, say, a particular tune. We all know that almost every work of art, and every invention, is based upon the work of predecessors. Now this doesn't mean we should have less respect for artists creating new works of art based on the work of others, and we're obliged to contribute to artists' well–being and income in our society. Yet rewarding their every single achievement, or reproduction or even interpretation thereof, with a monopoly lasting many decades, is too much, because it leaves nothing for other artists to build on. In fact, even criticizing the artist's work can become rather hazardous, as it "damages" his "property". Unpleasant as this may sound, things get even worse when we consider that the vast majority of copyrighted works is owned by a relatively small group of large conglomerates. These mega–industries create, invent or produce nothing at all, yet demand that artists sign over all rights to their works to them, just for the privilege of having their works distributed.
From this point of view, there is ample reason to send our current system of copyright to the scrapheap. Artists will of course feel threatened by such a bold move. After all, without copyright, they will lose all means of existence, now won't they? Well, not necessarily. Let's first look at some numbers. Research by economists shows that only 10 percent of artists collect 90 percent of copyright proceeds, and that the remaining 90 percent of artists must share the remaining 10 percent of proceeds. In other words: for the vast majority of artists, copyright has only marginal financial advantages. Then there's another peculiar fact: most artists have entered into some sort of covenant with the cultural industry – as if these two groups have even remotely similar interests! For example GEMA, the German copyright organization, sends approximately 70 percent of copyright proceeds abroad, mostly to the US, where several of the world's biggest cultural conglomerates reside. In this process, the average artist is nowhere to be seen.

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1.1.3 企业文化
V1 by tracy175
有关企业的 mutilnation mutliculture 以及 globalizaion 也忘了差不多了。。。
V2 by 我爱开开
公司的multinational和multicultural multinational.全文主要意思是说,multinational的advatage在于reduce cost,而multicuturald可以聚集local knowledge in different divisions。比较简短,不长,很容易看懂
考古
V3 lamandel 710 (号称回忆帝)
第一段主要讲了global technology,由于一些跨国公司的存在和国际贸易的推荐,各种技术在全球范围内得到交流。然后交流的形式包括,然后就有了四个列举,一个是technology的investment,一个是什么的licensing,一个是corporation between不同的公司还是国家,然后还有一个记不太清楚了,最后这里有一个典型的except题,就是问global的technology是有什么表现,应该选political alliance between countries,文章根本没有提政治方面的因素。
第二段就是讲现在出现了一种趋势还是什么就是technology的national,出现这种的原因是国家还是企业把technology当成是一种非常重要的资源,然后说这个是符合一个outdated的theory把什么resources,human resources之类的东西当成是一种competitive advantage。然后又说保证technology的national就是保证这种competitive advantage的存在。但是第二段最后又提出由于一般比较advanced technology都需要corporation,意思就是说global的合作的感觉。
第三段:相当于是综合了两个观点一样,首先说企业还是应当保持一种national的technology来保证这样的一种competitive advantage,然后又同时说有时候还是应该加强国际之间的合作global technology。
1 科技全球化的表现,except题:political alliance
2 作者对于那个观点(就是提出competitive advantage的那个观点)的看法:原文用的形容词是outdated,我想了一下就是选了个评价那个观点过时之类的选项。
3 考如果为什么要保持经济全球化,应该是第二段的定位题,我当时时间很紧,E选项是重视什么国际和国内市场,其他的选项不是很记得了。

文言文 Golden 基本自行确认
V1
第一段说随着全球化和跨国公司使得市场的INTERNATIONAL,包括TECHNOLOGY也在各个国家间交流,这里有题,大概问全球化有什么变化什么的. 然后列举了几个internationalization的几个具体形式
第二段说但是有些国家就开始保守了,阻碍技术的交流,企图保持自己的优势,有点像以前的国家保护自己的自然资源似的,这里有题,问说有些保护技术怎样怎样,记住是有点过时了的意思.然后又说一个企业在技术上的投资,现在如果产品是只面对国内市场的化,是无法收回成本的,这里有题,问现在的技术投资有什么特点.
第三段说什么有的国家也参与到技术控制中,反正AUTHOR是对这个反对的
1 科技全球化的好处带来了哪些好处?列举题
2 第二段有作者态度题:Antiquated。
V2
第一段,因為國際化還有民間企業的努力,所以一直不斷研發新的科技,稱為”科技創新”。舉了一些例子跟好處。第二段,某些政府或國家因為要保護自己,所以反而支持”科技保守”。他們以為可以因此保護自己的資源。又舉了一些例子第三段,作者反駁”科技保守”。認為“科技創新”才是王道。*作者態度有考一題
跨國科技創新什麼是對的except:選國家間politic的合作

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1.1.4建筑技术
V1 老张1119
一个新老观点对比题 结构蛮清晰的
第一段是说Hawii的temple还是啥的一个什么特征让科学家相信它们是比之前认为的建造的更快还是什么的(有题)
第二段是说科学家通过新的一种技术研究珊瑚还是啥的来验证他们的想法 然后说这些新的数据他们原来的设想的是相符合的(consistent)(有题) 证实了他们的猜想
V2 by cc1990 740
第二篇是说一个岛上有寺庙,科学家用元素追踪技术研究建寺庙时用的珊瑚,发现这个岛上的一段时间内社会历史文化变化比之前预想要快。题目有主旨,还有问珊瑚的用处,应该是装饰品,因为文中有Ornamentally.
背景知识
Hawaiian temples to the gods of agriculture and war — monumental platforms and terraces made of boulders composed of cooled lava — provide tangible archaeological evidence for this transition from chiefdoms to archaic states
The dates for the temple-building boom come from the ages of small branching corals called “cauliflower corals,” found in the temples. The exact symbolic value of temple corals to the Hawaiians — archived in the memories of oral historians — was probably lost when European diseases decimated the population at the end of the 18th century. The corals themselves were not objects of veneration, according to Kirch; rather, they may have served as symbolic offerings, like votive candles in a Catholic church.  
The base of this branch coral from a Kahikinui archaeological site has been dated to the year 1601, plus or minus seven years. The tip has been dated to 1608 with the same margin of error. The preservation of the specimen indicates that living coral was collected from the sea bottom.
The researchers are confident that coral ages provide temple ages. Delicate surface structures on temple corals indicate that these corals were collected live and brought almost immediately to the temples. If the corals were collected dead from the beach, these tiny surface structures would be damaged or absent.
The kinds of corals found in the temple pull uranium from the seawater into their skeletons. Over time, the uranium inside coral skeletons naturally decays to lead in several steps, and one of the intermediate products is the element thorium.Sharp estimated the ages of temple corals by measuring the concentrations of thorium versus uranium present in the coral skeletons.
This temple-dating approach is an improvement over carbon-14 dating techniques that have been used to estimate the age of charcoal remains of pig bones and other organic materials found at the temples. Dating these charcoals requires scientists to take atmospheric carbon-14 fluctuations into account, which increases the uncertainty of temple construction dates considerably. In contrast, coral age estimates are not influenced by changes in the carbon-14 content of the atmosphere through time.
Sharp dated the outer tips of the corals to get as close as possible to the “death date” — the date someone harvested the coral from the ocean and brought it to a temple construction site or temple dedication ceremony.
The surprising swiftness of the transition in ancient Hawaiian society, revealed by the new temple construction dates, raises the possibility that similar transitions elsewhere in the world may have been equally abrupt, the authors say.

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1.1.5 改善交通理论
V1 by 老张1119
是说一个叫什么Modesman的人提出一个改善某地交通的理论
第一段是说他通过这个理论而走红 他好像是把这个地区的所有交通灯还是什么的都remove了 然后一年后大家惊讶的发现这个地区的交通变好了 公交车什么的可以开的更快了(有题)
第二段是说他说在实施这个理论前必须做好多准备工作 学习了N多东西(有题) (这一段后面的东西失忆了)
第三段是作者观点 说他虽然改善了交通 但是这同时he creates the confusion and ambigious, 因为这样一来这个地区路好像就变得不像大城市里的路了 变窄了还是啥的 然后就变得很乡土好像==
问题具体怎么问的忘了 好像回文章定位就行
V2 by cc1990 740
第一篇是说一个人M,用新的方法解决城市交通问题,就是不用严格的红绿灯之类的,装了一些乱七八糟的东西后…反而公交车等待通过的时间少了(有考题,问公交车怎么样的),虽然交通数量上升但不堵。M用的方法是改变人们对时间的观念。最后一段是说这个人M又在另一个地方实验,让这个地方更villagelike,最后也是成功的。题目不是很记得了。。但不难。
V3 by tonality 740
M这个人去到德国一个什么城市,在原来十字路口的地方改建,traffic light好像没有完全去掉,用discreet形容的,留下了一些法规规定不能去掉的指示吧。(这里有和他在下一个城市的比较,另个城市好像把指示灯都去掉了吧,这个没有完全去掉)后来,那个人又去了德国的O这个地方。说关键在于改变什么的Time的观念。这里有题的。
V4 by lesezeichen 680
一篇是讲一个M因为他的2001project出名了,为什么呢?因为他在一个D城市做了一个治理交通的措施,把信号灯之类的都拿掉了,结果效果很好,在交通增长的情况下,这里的交通却很好,bus可以很容易通过(有考点),事故也少。到这里分别是第一段和第二段。第三段就说了他又在另外一个城市做了project,也柏油路弄成石块路之类的,总之就是相比那些明确的交通信号信息,他的改造让这个城市变得village like,有了confusion和ambuguity(有考点,问提到这两个是要干嘛)。然后M就说,要改变交通,就要改变交通的context,改变大家的concept of time(这里面的逻辑关系大家要再仔细读哈,不过不重要)。大概如此了
V5 by jsmart
traffic的,三段,M改进了traffic,使交通变好了,然后好像他自己又发现问题了……记得一题是M和另一个O观点相同之处,有一个选项是都说交通枢纽不放交通灯 想起来再补充…
v6 by sunicity
寂静上的那篇关于交通的,有一个阅读参考材料,基本就是那篇。后面问了D城市实施之后怎么样了,应该是公交车通过更快了。还有一个是作者说confusion and ambigous的作用,我选的是概括了M这个人的主要思想。
V7 by 小遥遥
还有一篇阅读也很长,是讲什么一个人改变了crossover的设计,然后就不那么堵了。。。他认为是改变人的观念(有出题)啊神马的。
好像有两个城市对比吧(有出题,对比,不确定)
还有一道题是改变了之后,bus怎么了(我选的是神马神马quickly,因为文章中有说到bus怎么怎么了,在破折后之间)
V8 by cecihanjiabei 730
一个人提出改变交通状况的两种方法,一个是不利用traffic lights一类的,在中间建造一个圆的区域,有喷泉什么的;另一个是改造成country-like的,机经中写的很正确!问题是两者有什么相似,第一种方法有什么结果。
V9 by 千堂月莎 710
那个神奇的设计师改造十字路口的文,问了第三段的作用是什么,在give a summary of BLABLA 和 解释one of change的意图 之间犹豫了下,选了后者。
还问了两城市的案例有什么相似,选项有:A和B都关于移除,一个是交通灯一个是其他信号标志吧,C是说都以提高行车速度为目标,E是都造成了行人和司机们彼此 more consideration 的效果
V10 by lynnfordream
考的那个交通改造的问题啊。记得一个细节就是说在D的地方减少了一半的事故率,同时交通量增加了1/3,然后有道题就是问D这个地方带来什么影响的。其中一个是事故发生数目减少了,貌似还要算下1/2*4/3=2/3所以还是应该减少了。楼主选成了什么drivers产生ambiguous的感觉,后面点了next以后一回想觉得应该选那个数目减少了a !
   材料:感谢freewer提供,太牛了!必须是原文!

Freedom for traffic

      An unassuming Dutch traffic engineer showed that streets without signs can be safer than roads cluttered with arrows, painted lines, and lights.
     And Monderman certainly changed the landscape in the provincial city of Drachten, with the project that, in 2001, made his name. At the town center, in a crowded four-way intersection called the Laweiplein, Monderman removed not only the traffic lights but virtually every other traffic control. Instead of a space cluttered with poles, lights, “traffic islands,” and restrictive arrows, Monderman installed a radical kind of roundabout (a “squareabout,” in his words, because it really seemed more a town square than a traditional roundabout), marked only by a r aised circle of grass in the middle, several fountains, and some very discreet indicators of the direction of traffic, which were required by law.
      这一段说的是M自己闭上眼睛,倒走到他设计的路中间,结果并没有像在普通道路上一样——所有的车刹车再启动,而是车辆依然有序行驶。As I watched the intricate social ballet that occurred as cars and bikes slowed to enter the circle (pedestrians were meant to cross at crosswalks placed a bit before the intersection), Monderman performed a favorite trick. He walked, backward and with eyes closed, into the Laweiplein. The traffic made its way around him. No one honked, he wasn’t struck. Instead of a binary, mechanistic process—stop, go—the movement of traffic and pedestrians in the circle felt human and organic.
      实验一年后的结果:拥挤减少、事故减少A year after the change, the results of this “extreme makeover” were striking: Not only had congestion decreased in the intersection—buses spent less time waiting to get through, for example—but there were half as many accidents, even though total car traffic was up by a third. Students from a local engineering college who studied the intersection reported that both drivers and, unusually, cyclists were using signals—of the electronic or hand variety—more often. They also found, in surveys, that residents, despite the measurable increase in safety, perceived the place to be more dangerous. This was music to Monderman’s ears. If they had not felt less secure, he said, he “would have changed it immediately.”
      Monderman believed that the best way to change people’s behavior was to change the context. This simple insight was one of the foundations of his traffic revolution, which took root a decade before he remade Drachten. In the mid-1980s,   Monderman, then a regional safety inspector for Friesland, was dispatched to the small village of Oudehaske to check the speed of car traffic through the town’s center (two children had been fatally struck). Previously, Monderman, like any good Dutch traffic engineer, would have deployed, if not an actual traffic light, the tools of what is known as “traffic calming”: speed bumps, warning signs, bollards, or any number of highly visible interventions.(交代了背景:作为交通安全官员,M被发配到一个小村里去检测城镇中心的车速。按常理,控制车速的手段不外乎装红绿灯、减速带等)
      但是M觉得在这个town,既没有必要也太贵。But those solutions were falling out of favor with his superiors, because they were either ineffective or too expensive. At a loss, Monderman suggested to the villagers, who as it happens had hired a consultant to help improve the town’s aesthetics, that Oudehaske simply be made to seem more “villagelike.” The interventions were subtle. (正评价,嘿嘿)Signs were removed, curbs torn out, and the asphalt replaced with red paving brick, with two gray “gutters” on either side that were slightly curved but usable by cars. As Monderman noted, the road looked only five meters wide, “but had all the possibilities of six.”
The results were striking. Without bumps or flashing warning signs, drivers slowed, so much so that Monderman’s radar gun couldn’t even register their speeds. 通过这种改进(把town改造的更villagelike,车速都自然降低了,雷达都检测不到……好夸张啊-。-)Rather than clarity and segregation, he had created confusion and ambiguity. 注意这段:因为他的方法制造了一种错觉,司机8知道哪条是他该走的路,所以开车不会很莽撞Unsure of what space belonged to them, drivers became more accommodating. Rather than give drivers a simple behavioral mandate—say, a speed limit sign or a speed bump—he had, through the new road design, subtly suggested the proper course of action. And he did something else. He used context to change behavior.用观念改变行为 He had made the main road look like a narrow lane in a village, not simply a traffic-way through some anonymous town.

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我总结了一下,这个理论主要说的就是去掉行驶线、交通信号灯等交通规则的“提示物”,激发人们的自觉地自我约束行为,这样的交通管理效果更好。
Shared space is an urban design concept aimed at integrated use of public spaces.
Shared space removes the traditional segregation of motor vehicles, pedestrians and other road users. Conventional road priority management systems and devices such as kerbs, lines, signs and signals are replaced with an integrated, people-oriented understanding of public space, such that walking, cycling, shopping and driving cars become integrated activities.
History
The term 'shared space' was used by Tim Pharoah to describe informal street layouts with no traffic demarcation (see for example "Traffic Calming Guidelines" published by Devon County Council, 1991). The shared space concept has been associated strongly with the work of Hans Monderman, based on the observation that individuals' behaviour intraffic is more positively affected by the built environment of the public space than it is by conventional traffic control devices and regulations.
The goal of shared space is an improvement in road safety, encouraging negotiation of shared areas at appropriate speeds and with due consideration for the other users, using simple rules like giving way to the right. The term shared space should probably not be too closely defined, since there is wide scope for varying the design concept.
Safety, congestion, economic vitality and community severance can be effectively tackled in streets and other public spaces if they are designed and managed to allow traffic to be fully integrated with other human activity, not separated from it. A major characteristic of a street designed to this philosophy is the absence of traditional road markings, signs, traffic signals and the distinction between "road" and "pavement". User behaviour becomes influenced and controlled by natural human interactions rather than by artificial regulation.
Monderman is quoted as saying: "We're losing our capacity for socially responsible behaviour, ...The greater the number of prescriptions, the more people's sense of personal responsibility dwindles."  Another source attributes the following to Monderman: "When you don't exactly know who has right of way, you tend to seek eye contact with other road users... You automatically reduce your speed, you have contact with other people and you take greater care."
但是这个理论也有人质疑,主要两个原因:一是觉得残疾人不方便;二是很多骑车的人觉得不安全(这段太长我替大家概括一下哈)

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1.1.6 专利保护法
V1 by周游ing
个关于专利保护法案的,就一个F法案通过了以后怎样怎样保护专利所有人,但是说这个法案不利于法官判,后来又有个什么T法案通过了,就先缩小了到法庭打官司的范围,然后judges就很高兴。(大致意思吧,里面比较绕)
V2 by cc1990 740
最后一篇是说美国1995年和2006年的两个关于trademark还是patent的保护法。问题有主旨,还有一个是问法官为什么比较喜欢其中一个法。文中有说到其中一个法更保守,能先剔除一些case,选项里也有这个。现在能想到的就先这些啦…要能再想到再补充~
V3 by lynnfordream
鸡精里面的那个trademark,的确是有问法官为嘛更喜欢另外一个法。貌似还有第一段有两句话被highlight,然后问两句话是什么关系。
V4 by 小右twister 700+
美国有一个保护trademark的政策,有several provisions,但是这些provisions在具体法律执行的过程中遇到了一些问题,然后说了下法官在遇到这些问题时候所采取的态度
V5 by 慕小蕾 700+
第一段说1995年提出了个什么法来干什么。
     第二段说2006年又提出了个什么法,这个法使判断范围更小(有题)
      (没时间了。。。这篇差不多一通乱选的。。)
1.1.7 书店*
V1 by jsf22
第一道是说书店的。
第一段说book chain,但是放到全国,每个店仍要本地化什么的。
第二段说非连锁的书店,因为有本地化的各种优势。
V2 by jessiacacai
chain store
第一段说,chain store的大量涌现使得independent store不能生存,减少了regional difference. 然而,chain store的发展是考虑regional因素的,比如geography,economy等等。举例,先是washington以及O打头的一个州,说这两个地方bookstore多是weather原因,rain多;然后说Alaska和Hawaii,地势偏远,进货难需要时间。然后又提到了Alaska和Hawaii的差别。
第二段说,independent store并没有完全消失,它们的经营策略是避免head-on冲突,到chain store少的地方经营,或者专注于special market. 书店不光卖书,还搞book signing等一系列活动。随着作者的national tour减少,这种在书店里的签名售书越来越普遍。
考题:
the passage suggests, at the time when it was written, which of the following is true?答案选项两个是关于W和O这两个州的,三个是throughout the United States. lz选的是national tour is decreasing.
考古(待确认)
1.1.24连锁书店vs independent book stores*
V1短文

P1: 连锁书店的盛行形成了一股垄断势力,导致independent stores很难维持生计。但是连锁书店的盛行其实是由各地的地理因素决定的,比如Washington总下雨,人们就愿意呆在书店里,还有一些其他城市的例子
P2: 其实independent stores在这种垄断势力压迫下也垂死挣扎出一条血路,存活下来的其实也大获成功。貌似是IS会比较diversified,然后书店也逐渐变成了一个举办club, 签售会等活动的地方,尤其是作家越来越不愿意travel的时候,能请到作家来的书店就会很attractive
V2 candy湘 V41 12.03



说大家都认为现在书店连锁店那么火,所以书店不用关注不同地区的差异了,只要你按普通的规模标准在任何一个地方建一个分店都肯定是可以盈利的。但是作者反驳了这个观点,说现在连锁店无法满足不同地区人们的差异化需求。列举了美国的三个地区,这里有两个细节题的选项定位,尤其是华盛顿地区的情况,两个都考到了。
那为什么会产生地区差异化需求呢?这一段都在分析原因。
作者最后说虽然现在连锁店不好做,但是卖书的人还是有市场盈利的机会的。因为以前出版商会把书邮寄给读者,但是现在很少这么做了。(有题)我没来得及细看,大概看明白了作者的态度就开始做题了,希望后来的同学多多补充!

V3eveneven 720

连锁书店与非连锁书店:连锁书店都是一样的,没有个性化,而逐渐成长的非连锁书店(independant bookstores)适应各个地区的不同状况,如德克萨斯的气候怎么怎么不同啥的,因此非连锁书店获得了夹缝中的成功。
这篇把握大意就好

V4

还有的就是book chain那个,这个是我最后一篇,大题扫了一眼,就开始做题了,全靠狗狗的概述,但是题绝对不一样,并没有考到第一段的例子,第一道就是infer,需要全文通读,后来还有2道,都是infer,没记错的话,第二自然段有定位。

考古
V1 66小丫头
文章很短(reference: 最美的夏天)
第一段:说的是传统book-chain 是和region 什么都是没有关系的,但是新的survey发现还是有地方特色的。举了几个例子,什么hawii Oeren(有题)
第二段:说independent bookstore也很struggle 采取了什么方法的

V2 super甲 V36
说书店集中生产销售和零售的问题的,第二段很重要,我其实没有特别明白这篇的逻辑。等考古
第一段说图书生产趋于集中化,并且一个集中生产图书的厂家所生产的图书以及其图书销售已经不具有地方特色了,很机械化、格式化。后半部分又说也不是完全这样,有两个地方的图书卖得好,归功于这两地方老下雨,还有一地方卖得不好是因为城市都太小了,不适合集中生产销售,人们买书也不方便。
第二段开始絮絮叨叨的讲零售图书(independent)的这帮人,尽管这帮人已经自己产生了一套营销战略,但他们仍旧在struggle,与那些集中生产销售的 stores竞争。零售商们的确具有一定的地方特色,尤其是小地方,能够适应当地的市场;但是由于之前说了,集中销售商们也具备了一定的地方特点,所以还是能够在一些小地方生存的。

V3 rainrooney 720 V38
第一段:说的是传统book-chain是不会针对 region的特点进行装修的。但是新的survey发现很多大型的连锁书店都开始有了地方特色,针对地方的文化或者气候进行装修。举了几个例子,其中有一个州有很少的城镇能吸引大型的连锁书店进驻,跟夏威夷(能吸引好多)进行了对比,V1说这里有题,但我没遇到。
第二段:说那些survived的independent bookstore也开始针对地方特色进行装修(有一题问作者suggest什么,我觉得根据这个survived可以推出independent bookstore居于劣势地位之类的)。

V4 eippy 700
P1先说大家以为chain store的大规模让小书店难做生意。但是发现其实chain store让independent bookstore
更localized, regional,或有什么culture特色等。举了好多例子....
P2 independent bookstore的生存方法。寻找特定的顾客群体啦等等。最后说大小书店都很注意举办读书沙龙之类的文化活动,但小书店对于作者签售有优势,因为越来越多不愿做全国巡游(这边有题)
大概就是这样。注意chain store和independent bookstore之间的对比和关系,出题重点
背景知识
题目:
1、主旨题
2、作者认为连锁书店XXXXX
3、地方书店的优势在于
Analysts say retail bookstore chains will cease to exist as we know them, underperforming stores will close and bookstore chains will be reduced to a few localized stores catering to specialized local needs.  
      Bookstore chains must reduce their retail footprints in order to survive, according to Wahlstorm.  He said that there is a high likelihood that Barnes & Noble like Borders will close underperforming stores in coming years.
      To stay relevant bookstore chains would have to use their store space productively and find a market niche, according to Bishop.
     “They can try to drive traffic and sales through the physical stores by means like adding cafes, establishing relationships with the local community, and offering exclusive or targeted products (B&N is making a big push toward its new educational toys & games department),” wrote Wahlstrom.针对本地市场推出营销方案
      Maybe bookstore chains have a lesson to learn from smaller independent book stores that have dodged the online and e-books bullets by keeping unique selections of books and providing social space to their local communities.地方的小书店和社区关系紧密
"Independent bookstores are very well connected to their communities. When you do that there will always be value for your bookstore,” said Lubeck. He said that bookstore chains should adopt this successful formula.

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1.1.8 外包服务*
V1 by jsf22
第一段说1980年之后,美国公司大量裁人,但单位生产率并未提升,产出并没有下降;分析了不是高科技运用提高了生产率,另有原因。
第二段说原因是大量业务外包,因为公司追求更少的人工成本,因为除了不用支付更多的工资,也不用支付那么多福利。同时公司做法并不违反劳工合同,因为skilled employee公司会继续留用。
有主旨题。还有问为什么要外包,选降低人工成本。还有问为什么说不违反劳工合同。不太确定记忆是否准确了。
V2 by rachewl 680
遇到那篇外包的文章,寂静里好像有。两段,很长的,大概第一段是说在1930s有大幅度的裁员,在1980s也有大幅度的裁员。但是这两次的原因是不一样的palapala。然后第二段就说1980年的裁员,不是因为裁员直接带来经济效益,而是因为外包了。。然后就开始说外包balabala的。。。题目的话,有印象的就是问你1930年的裁员是不是因为二战的影响。。。
考古(待确认)
服务外包△
V1【by: allhappy27】

一段:现在美国流行外包(技术服务咨询外包)

二段:外包优势劣势,采用外包的公司因为缺乏技术而引用外包开始都不了解自己,采用外包的公司害怕自己内部情况提供给竞争者。

V2【by:落川冰】11.10 晚

一共是两段。一屏左右..
第一段讲的就是outresources,我感觉比较容易看懂,没有什么不认识的单词。
BLABLA的讲outresources很流行之类的...很多公司都采用这样的策略。
第二段讲的主要是关于一个client company的,说因为outresources是一个需要专业知识的行业,而客户这类的专业知识可能会比较少,所以客户就无法很好的预计自己的COST。所以有一定的risk和很弹性的因素存在,但是最后一句作者however了,基本还是肯定了这个outresources的策略....因为认为潜在利润远远大过于那些RISK。
完毕,考古的那段,大家可以看,但是我觉得第二段什么泄露企业相关信息的不是,我的这段是讲cost不能预计,所以不能估计未来收益之类的,无法很好的control....
但是好像基本还是合的到的。
题目我考了三道。考古第一题确认我考到,而且选项选的和考古相同,并不是背答案,其实我阅读逻辑都没背答案只要是看JJ的内容写的什么,怕变体,但我觉得考古第一题根据作者最后一句还是能选到的
(PS:我怕我这一点破分数,大家会不会就把这个选项直接认为错?呵呵...)

我还记得有一题问到关于这个outresources的弊端的什么的,因为我选了无法估计cost。


考古XYXB待确认

第一段大概说outsoucing的概念,然后说outsourcing这个practice在有形产品(physical product)工业已经很成熟之类的,但是在service 的行业还是有很大前景的,而且越来越多的公司也开始做service outsourcing了。
第二段先说了service outsourcing的特色feature。然后举了intellectual service的outsourcing。说这类的outsourcing, 客户通常来说很难通过下订单(place order)来描述(specify)要买什么样的服务产品(暗指service product知识含量高,不专门搞这个还真不懂呢,有考题)。介绍完特色以后,然后说了一大堆弊端,比如service outsourcing出去可能会有泄漏企业关键信息之类的risk。但是最后,作者话锋一转,说如果企业仔细考虑计划outsourcing strategy的话,就可以lower and minimize 所有的这些risk,证明了作者对待这个practice支持态度。
题1:作者会同意下面哪个选项,我选的是although service outsourcing 有很多的弊端,但是它的优点outweigh all the risks. 但是这题还有另一个选项很迷惑,想不起来了
题2:细节题,说问中为什么客户无法specify 他们要的service product:选因为客户没有这方面的expertise
题3:好像是作者态度题,选作者支持outsourcing
考古2
文章开始说1980年美国曾出现大规模裁员的状况,因为出现了recession,但199X年再次出现了大规模的layoffs状况,但怎么解释在大规模layoff的同时企业能以低成本来实现higher productivity的呢(此处是个疑问句),有人说是计算机的使用提高了生产效率,然后作者有句话反驳,还有人说是management 的improvement导致了生产效率提高,然后作者在本段结尾给了一句反驳以前所有观点的话。
第二段作者的观点是outsource的出现才使企业有了大规模裁员并且降低成本同时增加生产效率的机会,一方面企业可以裁掉high wage的员工换成low wage的员工,把一部分业务外包出去,另一方面企业可以雇佣part time工人,因为part time工人工资低,且benifit也没有正式员工好,然后解释了一下post-wartime后的经济问题。 有一道题说的是作者说企业雇佣临时工人的目的是什么答案C有一点迷惑性 说因为part time 工人earn minimum wage,这是错的,文章中只说和正式员工比赚少工资和低福利,没说最低工资,正确选项应该是E,削减labor cost 还有一题说1980年的layoff不能用作者的观点解释是因为,我选的因为economy suffersdifficult,也就是原文的第一句话
背景知识
背景:经济滞涨时期,企业采取外包,节约成本。但是,带来问题,但是不违反劳动合同。  
    Outsourcing is when one company sells a part of their company to another. This usually happens when the company wants to save money. 省钱Outsourcing was first mainly seen in the early 1980’s during a time of stagflation滞涨, or a time where economic growth is slow, unemployment rates and inflation is high.  Foreign competition in trade had steady rates compared to the United States market and had a cost advantage over American goods. Car companies, which were suffering greatly during this time, took a radical step and moved about ten factories out of Michigan to Mexico (2,5).

        This outraged the United Autoworkers Union (UAW) because American’s who worked in the factories that had been outsourced, were left jobless.  UAW negotiated with the car companies to keep the outsourcing of the parts division to overseas countries (2).
        The car factories use of outsourcing caught the eyes of other businesses: companies saw profit with the use of outsourcing. Soon after more and more companies began expand their companies in Mexico, on the Mexico-United states border.  Many American citizens failed to notice the outsourcing that was beginning to happen on the United States-Canadian border.  Outsourcing of filmmaking was a common in the 1990’s, but also to the manufacturing of parts.  Canada’s trade with the United States began to increase and benefit, while American parts suppliers began to go bankrupt and lay off their workers (2).
This trend in outsourcing in the United States has been increasing steadily since its debut in the 1980’s, but now is being exposed to the average American.   Common jobs, such as calculating worker’s payrolls, can be found in overseas companies, that provide cheaper labor, then it would cost if an American laborer worked for the company in the United States (1).  Competition between companies is increasing, and companies that outsource have a great advantage over companies who only work within the United States territory.  The cutting of jobs in American businesses is becoming increasingly common, leaving healthy, skilled, and knowledgeable people to suffer as they look for the few available jobs in their area.  Companies take advantage of the cheap labor to allow their businesses to expand, which is the main reason that outsourcing continues to grow

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1.1.9 女性受男性影响
V1 by jaejonng 710
有一篇是也很长,关于女性是否受男性影响的新老观点对比。
首段介绍老观点,受影响。然后介绍新观点不受影响。
观点绕的挺多。大家注意它举的例子。我考的题目几乎全是例子的细节题。

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