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[转帖]8月22日晚,北京,jj

822下午530在北京考试,考得不好,没啥可说的,主要原因是复习的不够。贡献部分机经:

AAThe following appeared in a memorandum from the director of human resources to the executive officers of Company X:

“Last year, we surveyed our employees on improvements needed at Company X by having them rank, in order of importance, the issues presented in a list of possible improvements. Improved communications between employees and management was consistently ranked as the issue of highest importance by the employees who responded to the survey. As you know, we have since instituted regular communications sessions conducted by high-level management, which the employees can attend on a voluntary basis. Therefore, it is likely that most employees at Company X now feel that the improvement most needed at the company has been made.”

Discuss how well reasoned . . . etc.

 

 

AI“It is unrealistic to expect individual nations to make, independently, the sacrifices necessary to conserve energy. International leadership and worldwide cooperation are essential if we expect to protect the world’s energy resources for future generations.”

Discuss the extent to which you agree or disagree with the opinion stated above. Support your views with reasons and/or examples from your own experience, observations, or reading.

 

 

DS:11+x+x^2+x^3+x^4<1/(1-x)? 1)x<1; 2)x>0

 

 

2、一个卖自行车的,一共500辆,黄的占15%,分两层,问第二层非黄的有多少?

1)第二层黄的有。。。 2)第一层。。。,记不大清了

3x^3y^2z<0那道,见机经

4、有一个酒店只有三个房间的和四个房间的,价格的range800,好像机经里有,不难。

5s<r? 1)…. 2)s^2<2r

 

 

PS

150100的数求和;

2、排列组合,6个数字里挑三个的全排列;

3Xn+1=2Xn-1那道,机经有;

43个人来自不同的6个公司握手那道,几经里有;

5、正方形砍掉一个角球面积;

6、正方形内接一个圆,求面积比;

 

 

RC:有两篇机井

1\ In colonial Connecticut between

1670 and 1719, women participated

in one of every six civil cases, the

Line  vast majority of which were debt-

(5) related. Women’s participation

   dropped to one in ten cases after

   1719, and to one in twenty by the

   1770’s. however, as Cornelia

   Hughes Dayton notes in Women

(10) Before the Bar: Gender, Law,

and Society in Connecticut,

1639-1789, these statistics are

somewhat deceptive: in fact,

both the absolute numbers and

(15) the percentage of adult women

participating in civil cases grew

steadily throughout the eighteenth

century, but the legal activity of

men also increased dramatically,

(20) and at a much faster rate. Single,

married, and widowed women

continued to pursue their own and

their husbands’ debtors through

legal action much as they had

(25) done in the previous century, but

despite this continuity, their place

in the legal system shifted

dramatically. Men’s commercial

interests and credit networks

(30) became increasingly far-flung,

owing in part to the ability of

creditors to buy and sell prom-

issory notes (legal promises to

pay debts). At the same time,

(35) women’s networks of credit and

debt remained primarily local and

personal. Dayton contends that,

although still performing crucial

economic services in their

(40) communities—services that

contributed to the commercialization

of the colonial economy—women

remained for the most part outside

the new economic and legal culture

of the eighteenth century.

 

 

2Jon Clark’s study of the effect of

the modernization of a telephone

exchange on exchange maintenance

Line  work and workers is a solid contribution

(5)    to a debate that encompasses two

lively issues in the history and social-

ogy of technology: technological

determinism and social constructivism.

Clark makes the point that the char-

(10)   acteristics of a technology have a

decisive influence on job skills and

work organization. Put more strongly,

technology can be a primary determinant

of social and managerial organ-

(15)   ization. Clark believes this possibility

has been obscured by the recent sociological

fashion, exemplified by

Braverman’s analysis, that emphasizes

the way machinery reflects social

(20)   choices. For Braverman, the shape of

a technological system is subordinate

to the manager’s desire to wrest control

of the labor process from the

workers. Technological change is

(25)   construed as the outcome of negotiations

among interested parties who

seek to incorporate their own interests

into the design and configuration of the

machinery. This position represents

(30)   the new mainstream called social constructivism.

The constructivists gain acceptance

by misrepresenting technological determinism:

technological determinists are

(35)   supposed to believe, for example, that

machinery imposes appropriate forms

of order on society. The alternative to

constructivism, in other words, is to

view technology as existing outside

(40)   society, capable of directly influencing

skills and work organization.

Clark refutes the extremes of the

constructivists by both theoretical and

empirical arguments. Theoretically he

(45)   defines “technology” in terms of relationships

between social and technical

variables. Attempts to reduce the

meaning of technology to cold, hard

metal are bound to fail, for machinery

(50)   is just scrap unless it is organized

functionally and supported by appropriate

systems of operation and main-

tenance. At the empirical level Clark

shows how a change at the telephone

(55)   exchange from maintenance-intensive

electromechanical switches to semielectronic

switching systems altered

work tasks, skills, training opportunities,

administration, and organization of

(60)   workers. Some changes Clark attributes

to the particular way management

and labor unions negotiated the introduction

of the technology, whereas

others are seen as arising from the

(65)   capabilities and nature of the technology

itself. Thus Clark helps answer

the question: “When is social choice

decisive and when are the concrete

characteristics of technology more

important?”

其余两篇都记不大清了。

 

 

Cr\sc感觉不太难,没有什么代表性,可能是因为没有进到高分区。

考试的时候,第一道语法较易,十足把握作对了,第二道语法较易十足把握对了,第三道逻辑较难,估计做错了,哈哈。这个递进的关系还是挺明显的。

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