selma

1.3.2  黑人奴隶自由

讲美国南北战争前黑人奴隶获取自由的。

第一段：

BK认为,奴隶主要是通过为paying employer和奴隶主工作存钱获取自由的,一般没有什么其他方式存钱赎身.可是事实上,奴隶也通过自己种庄稼,在市场上交易赚钱,这样赚钱不比工作的少.

第二段：

支持BK的人明显忽略了一个事实,那就是在大城市,奴隶获自由的多于其他地方。比如说，在某州，已经解放的黑奴就积极的帮助那些没有解放的赎身，他们或者个人或者组织起来资助黑奴，这里提到了一个具体的黑人组织，资助黑奴赎身。除此之外，那些已经解放的还通过雇佣黑奴，和黑奴交换产品，以及给打工的黑奴提供食宿的方式支持他们。

题目：

1. 那个组织成立为了说明啥？
答：反驳BK观点

2、获得自由的黑人帮助黑人奴隶除了以下的哪个方式：（except）
答：选项就是上面的，雇佣他们；经济上的资助；提供房子；在当地市场上买卖他们的产品；还有一个忘了，都是原文最后一句对应的，我选了在当地市场买卖他们的产品，能是文章中间提到的。

3、 主旨
答：就是为了说明南北战争前获得自由的黑人通过一些方式帮助其他奴隶。（我觉得是修正一个关于黑人奴隶的观点）

selma

1.3.3 二战美国女性与政治★
      The fields of antebellum (pre-Civil War) political history and women’s history use separate sources and focus on separate issues.  Political historians, examining sources such as voting records, newspapers, and politicians’ writings, focus on the emergence in the 1840’s of a new “American political nation,” and since women were neither voters nor politicians, they receive little discussion.  Women’s historians, meanwhile, have shown little interest in the subject of party politics, instead drawing on personal papers, legal records such as wills, and records of female associations to illuminate women’s domestic lives, their moral reform activities, and the emergence of the woman’s rights movement.
      However, most historians have underestimated the extent and significance of women’s political allegiance in the antebellum period.  For example, in the presidential election campaigns of the 1840’s, the Virginia Whig party strove to win the allegiance of Virginia’s women by inviting them to rallies and speeches.  According to Whig propaganda, women who turned out at the party’s rallies gathered information that enabled them to mold party-loyal families, reminded men of moral values that transcended party loyalty, and conferred moral standing on the party. Virginia Democrats, in response, began to make similar appeals to women as well.  By the mid-1850’s the inclusion of women in the rituals of party politics had become commonplace, and the ideology that justified such inclusion had been assimilated by the Democrats.

GWD1-Q4:       
The primary purpose of the passage as a whole is to
A.        examine the tactics of antebellum political parties with regard to women
B.        trace the effect of politics on the emergence of the woman’s rights movement
C.        point out a deficiency in the study of a particular historical period
D.        discuss the ideologies of opposing antebellum political parties
E.        contrast the methodologies in two differing fields of historical inquiry
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GWD1-Q5:
According to the second paragraph of the passage (lines 20-42), Whig propaganda included the assertion that
A.        women should enjoy more political rights than they did
B.        women  were the most important influences on political attitudes within a family
C.        women’s reform activities reminded men of important moral values
D.        women’s demonstrations at rallies would influence men’s voting behavior
E.        women’s presence at rallies would enhance the moral standing of the party
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GWD1-Q6:       
According to the passage, which of the following was true of Virginia Democrats in the mid-1850’s?
               
A.        They feared that their party was losing its strong moral foundation.
B.        They believed that the Whigs’ inclusion of women in party politics had led to the Whigs’ success in many elections.
C.        They created an ideology that justified the inclusion of women in party politics.
D.        They wanted to demonstrate that they were in support of the woman’s rights movement.
E.        They imitated the Whigs’ efforts to include women in the rituals of party politics.

selma

1.4Art & Culture
1.4.1广告★
In their classic article, Wilkie and Farris (1975) proposed that, in general, comparative advertisements will be more persuasive than their noncomparative counterparts. However, the bulk of empirical evidence has not supported this proposition. Although several studies have shown comparative ads can exert more positive effects than noncomparative ads on brand attitudes, purchase intentions, or purchase, comparative ads have also been found to reduce persuasion. Perhaps the most common finding has been that comparative and noncomparative ads produce very similar postcommunication (产品后续宣传) attitudes and intentions. Why have comparative and noncomparative ads so often been found to produce similar levels of persuasion? One rather obvious possibility is that null findings（无效）are simply the result of the fact that the particular comparative and noncomparative ads used in the test situation were truly equivalent in their persuasiveness. It may be, for instance, that the comparative copy communicated interbrand differences that were seen as trivial or unimportant. Similarly, failure to include adequate substantiation for the comparative claims could render them impotent (无力的，无效的). Even if comparative claims convey important differences with adequate substantiation, they may be no more effective than noncomparative claims when consumers are already aware of these differences. Another possibility, the one explored in this paper, is that the failure to detect persuasion differences between comparative and noncomparative ads may be the result of the types of measures used to test for such effects. Earlier investigations have often relied upon nonrelative or monadic (一元的) measures of postcommunication impressions (i.e., measures that assess beliefs, attitudes, and/or intentions toward the advertised brand without an explicit point of reference). However, it would appear that relative measures (i.e., measures that use the comparison brand as a point of reference in their assessment) are better suited for capturing the persuasive impact of comparative advertising. The rationale for this position is developed in the following sections.
One potentially important difference between comparative and noncomparative advertising is the ability of a comparative ad to encourage a particular point of reference during encoding of the information about the ad- vertised brand. Moorman (1990) points out that external reference points can enhance consumers' ability to process information as well as their comprehension of the information. As a result, consumers who lack the knowl- edge necessary to understand some information fully may benefit from the bench marks provided by reference information. External reference points may not only increase one's ability to extract meaning from a set of information, they may also affect the particular meaning extracted from the information. The presence of such reference points during processing may result in their becoming an integral part of the impressions which are formed. Consequently, consumers exposed to comparative ads which provide an explicit comparison brand should be more likely to form mental impressions of the advertised brand that are relative (to the comparison brand) in nature than they would following exposure to noncomparative ads.

题目
1. 开头那2个学者最同意下面哪个
答：comparative advertisements will be more persuasive than their noncomparative counterparts

2. 主旨题
答：an alternative explanation for “Why have comparative and noncomparative ads so often been found to produce similar levels of persuasion?” (对一个研究的品评)

3. Nonrelative 和 relative 对 postcommunication 作用的区别
答：without/with an explicit point of reference (Specifically point out the reference)

4. 为何研究的结果不对
答：the result of the types of measures used to test for such effects

selma

1.4.2美国立法△

第一段：

有两个专家一个叫K，一个叫L，他俩意见很一致，说研究出来federal regulation是为big business interest服务的，受这些business利益的影响，才会制定相应对其有利的法案。

第二段：

一个however转折，说不对，其实senator也不是完全受business影响来制定法律的。其实也受public interest的影响。然后作者就举了例子说有关一个地方的铁路train的Federal Act, 虽然All but one of the businesses 都不同意修这个铁路，但是senator还是坚持，一年之后这个法案生效了。然后说这个铁路限制了三种不同的行业使用，其中有agriculture，XX，和XX。这个法案对这三种行业的利益影响各有不同，有个行业得到好处，有个没得到好处，有个行业有消极影响。

题目：

1．原文说的是19X5年这个法案被提出，然后经过senator的不懈努力，在19X6年这个法案生效了。
答：选那个说这个法案用了一年最后生效的

2．which能undermine专家L的结论？
答：公民抱怨某厂的卫生状况，GOV就立法了REGULATION,这个厂如果要遵守就很cost

3. 主旨题
答：argue第一段的观点不对。
4. 下面关于ICC哪个选项是对的？
答：XX ACT 拓宽了ICC的power

selma

1.4.3 加拿大铁路 △
第一段：

是加拿大东西贯穿的铁路1885年修好了但到1900年才开始大量用。本来政府期望通过这条铁路来增加收入，但是很少人使用这条铁路。但是过了很长一段时间之后，加拿大才出现大量的人来使用这条铁路。

第二段：

解释了其中使用delay的原因。那一段时间天气非常不好，雨很少，因此农民的收成也不好，既然收成不好，他们也就没有兴趣把自己的农产品运到加拿大西边去。后来过了几年，天气好了，农民丰衣足食了，地也开根的越来越多了，发现西边的土地和市场越来越有吸引力了。于是这个时候铁路的优势就被显示出来了，越来越多的人靠着这条铁路从东到西。

题目：
1. 第二段起了个什么作用？
答：解释了第一段的现象。

2. 主旨题
答：提出现象解释原因（就是解释1885到1900为什么没人用）

3. 问为什么农民开始要乘铁路呢?
答：我选了西边的土地有吸引力（attractive）。

selma

1.4.4尾气处理△       

第一段：

虽然OZONE里面的ORGANIC 气体有大概一半都是汽车尾气排放的，但是这个可以通过安装一个净化装置减少它的尾气排放，但是现在最大的威胁就是INDUSTRY的废弃排放。现在有两种方法治理工厂污染：（1）用一种过滤方法，但是这种方法有缺陷，因为它只能过滤少量气体，气体量太大就saturated了。研究发现它只对小股小股的废气有用，当它在大量的气体排放出来的时候，这个装置就废掉了。（2）后来又有一种方法是把这些一有害气体燃烧掉再排放，这个方法会有by-product,且这个方法可能燃烧不充分需要加入HC助燃。


第二段：

后来一公司开发了新技术，能减少排放气体对臭氧层的危害，但仍然对臭氧有危害。但是文章那个最后说，这个副产品比起原来的那个破坏臭氧的气体来说对臭氧的破坏要小。作者支持这一种。

题目：

1．为什么filter这个方法在现实中没有用？
答：我选了只能small scale

2．文章结构
答：提出问题（臭氧层ozonosphere 变薄），然后给出几种解决方法，分析优缺点

3．文章主旨
答：选文章提了几个方法来治理污染的这个（大概意思）

4. 传统做法与新做法的区别

selma

1.4.5 广告2   model△

第一段：

当时传统的人认为, 广告要起作用的话, 必须要通过不断影响消费者, 促使其购买产品。如何评价advertisement的effectiveness呢?第一句说了one view，是直接评价advertisement的投入和产出(input and marketing/sales)，但另外有人提出广告其实可以是建立一个model来分步 (stage) 分析advertisement在每一步的effectiveness, 在真正有demand之前，还有一些步骤如brand awareness之类的东西，所以就有第二种衡量广告的多层model，并建议用hierarchical 模型来对消费者进行渗透影响。传统的广告model只重视广告与销售的关系，也就是广告的费用和带来的销售增长之间的关系，而新的广告model则表明广告不仅仅和销售有关系，而且应该和XX有关系。

第二段：

第二个理论有很多的模型，但是大部分模型都有两个缺陷：一个是市场，另一个是广告针对的特定群体。然后某个人提出了一种新模式，和传统的继承理论有些不一样，这种模式说明广告对以下三个阶段的用户都有作用：一是对此广告不了解的客户;一个是想使用该产品的客户;还有一个是以前用过该产品并且对产品满意的客户。而传统模式则认为广告本身让客户在此三种模式中向上移动，这是不对的。


题目：

1. 有主题题
答：我选了比较中性没有褒贬态度的discuss...的那个选项;

2. 作者写 e的那个模型的作用

3. 第二种理论支持什么观点
答：广告不一定只有直接影响需求才是有效的

selma

When is advertising effective and when is it not? This question has often stimulated heated debate between two camps in the world of marketing and advertising (Barry, 1987). According to one view, advertising is effective only if it sells. Thus, advertising effectiveness is assessed by investigating the relationship between advertising expenditures and brand sales (e.g., Little,1979). The other view stresses that advertising can satisfy its ultimate objective of affecting demand only by establishing a hierarchy of intermediate effects in its audience. Thus, an advertising message or campaign may be evaluated against the objective of establishing a hierarchy of effects up to any particular stage, not necessarily the stage of demand (e.g., Colley, 1961). A compromise position is, of course, that any message or campaign should be evaluated in terms of the entire hierarchy of effects, including sales effects (Urban and Hauser, 1980).

Many hierarchy-of-effects models have been advanced for advertising effectiveness (for an overview, see Barry, 1987). Each model in this paradigm has assumed a particular sequence of stages that consumers pass through until demand is affected. For instance, Colley's (1961) defining-advertising-goals-for measured- advertising-results (DAGMAR) model assumes a sequence of awareness, comprehension, conviction, and action, whereas McGuire's (1978) information-processing model (IPM) assumes a sequence of presentation, attention, comprehension, yielding, retention, and behavior. Two major criticisms have been raised for such traditional models in the hierarchy-of-effects paradigm. One is that they fail to consider the marketing situation in which an advertising message is transmitted or an advertising campaign is run and, particularly, the consumer audience at which the message or campaign is targeted. According to Ehrenberg's (1974) awareness-trial-reinforcement (ATR) model, for instance, repeated advertising may be effective in three successive stages of consumer behavior, gaining brand awareness, making a trial purchase, or stimulating and sustaining a repeat buyinghabit if prior experience was satisfactory. Whereas the traditional models present advertising effectiveness as a sequence of responses up to a particular stage in the hierarchy, the ATR model conceives it as a response at a particular stage in the hierarchy depending on the history of consumer behavior.

Another stage model that has been advanced as a challenge to the sequence models developed within the traditional view is Ray's (1973) dissonance-attribution hierarchy, which identifies the following three stages: brand purchase based on nonmedia or nonmarketing communication sources, attitude change based on experience with the brand purchased, and selective and biased learning of advertising communications. Thus, advertising may be effective only at the third stage by aiding the consumer in his or her purchase decision through dissonance reduction or self-attribution (also identified as reinforcement mechanisms by the ATR model).

It has been argued by Preston and Thorston (1984) that stage models do not apply to the same situation as the sequence models developed within the traditional view and therefore cannot be considered a challenge to those models. It will be argued here, however, that the stage models can be parsimoniously (极度俭省地,吝啬地) incorporated into a sequence model if such a model is generalized to represent situational dependency. Actually, it will be acknowledged that McGuire's (1978) IPM already adopts this generalized view on the hierarchy of effects. In its present state of development, however, the IPM remains vulnerable to the second major criticism raised regarding traditional models in the hierarchy-of-effects paradigm, which is that they are overly restrictive in assuming that cognitively complex changes in consumer attitudes are necessary for effective advertising. Under Krugman's (1965) low-involvement hierarchy, for instance, repeated advertising may induce nonverbalizable changes in brand perception that are sufficient to induce purchase. From this point of view, complex attitudinal changes do not occur prior to purchase in response to advertising but only after purchase on the basis of experience with the brand. This article will proceed by discussing a model according to which the enforcement of cognitively complex changes in consumer attitudes represents one out of two viable options for effective advertising.

Petty and Cacioppo's (1981, 1986) elaborauonqikelihood model (ELM) has been advanced as a general framework for the study of persuasion in the field of social psychology. With its application to advertising communications (Petty and Cacioppo, 1983; Petty et al., 1983), the model has obtained a great popularity in the field of consumer behavior. This section will provide a brief review of the model.

The ELM predicts changes in attitude toward an advertised brand, where an attitude refers to a global evaluation of the brand. The model identifies two distinct routes toward attitude change. One is the central route, along which the consumer changes his attitude on the basis of elaboration on arguments.
Here, arguments refer to message elements considered relevant for assessing the true merits of the advertised brand, whereas elaboration refers to the learning of arguments, the generation of thoughts about these arguments (cognitive responses), and the integration of these thoughts into one's attitude structure. The other is the peripheral route, along which the consumer may change his or her attitude on the basis of a variety of processes, for instance, through heuristic (启发式的) inference of brand quality from message elements, through association of message elements with the brand, or through mere exposure to the brand.
The ELM assumes that the probability of following the central route (elaboration likelihood) depends on whether the consumer wants to assess the true merits of the advertised brand (motivation) and whether be or she can assess its true merits (ability). High motivation and high ability are singly necessary and jointly sufficient conditions for a high probability of following the central route. In the case of low motivation and/or low ability to assess the true merits of the advertised brand, the ELM assumes a high probability of following the peripheral route (hereafter referred to as the reciprocity postulate). be less than highly (un)motivated and/or less than highly (un)able to assess the true merits of the advertised brand, the ELM assumes an elaboration-likelihood continuum. The probability of following the central route changes continuously with the level of motivation and ability (hereafter referred to as the continuity postulate). In conjunction with the reciprocity postulate, the continuity postulate implies that elaboration likelihood may range from a high probability of following the central route, through a 50-50 probability of following either the central or the peripheral route (see the "luck" factor depicted by Cacioppo
and Petty, 1989, p. 80), to a high probability of following the peripheral route. With respect to attitudinal changes in a consumer audience, then, the ELM predicts a main effect of argument quality under high elaboration likelihood, moderate main effects of argument quality and cue attractiveness under moderate elaboration likelihood, and a main effect of cue attractiveness under low elaboration likelihood.

The ELM further assumes that thoughts about arguments may be systematically biased against or in favor of the advertising claim (the biased-elaboration postulate). Initial attitudes toward the brand are assumed to be a major source of biased elaboration. One will be tempted to proargne or bolster a claim that is congruent with one's initial attitude and to counterargue a claim that is incongruent with one's initial attitude. Thus, attitudinal changes along the central route may be biased upward or downward, depending on the congruency or incongruency between the advertising claim and the initial attitude of the consumer.

Finally, the ELM assumes various consequences of the route followed toward attitude change. Attitudes changed along the central route are more persistent, more resistant to counterpersuasion, and more predictive of behavior than attitudes changed along the peripheral route.