6月GMAT阅读新题——个人更新版

冷冷的

阅读小犬

人文科学类... 1

1．1．1     成本控制法... 1

1.1.2 copyright
1

1.1.3 企业文化... 2

1.1.4建筑技术... 2

1.1.5 改善交通理论... 3

1．1．6 专利保护法... 4

1.1.7 书店... 4

1.1.8 外包服务... 5

1.1.9 女性受男性影响... 5

1．2．1 boater
6

1.2.2 预测未来... 6

1.2.3 日本经济... 6

1.2.4 P药与心脏病关系... 6

自然科学类... 7

2．1．1生物进化理论... 7

2．1．2 玻璃... 7

V2 by 沫澧 700. 7

2.1.3 地震前鸟行为... 8

2.1.4 气温上升... 8

2.1.5特殊植物... 8

2.1.6 Concrete. 9

2.1.7 生物种群的多样性... 9

2.1.8 农作物... 10

2.1.9 热带气温下降... 10

2.2.4
伽利略………………………………………………………………………………..10

冷冷的

人文科学类
1．1．1        成本控制法
V1 by tracy175
第一篇 目前就想起一片 介绍一个成本控制法,貌似说了它的不足之处. 第二段开始,举例:两家造笔厂 生产相同数量的笔 ,一家全生产蓝笔 ,一家分别生产蓝 红 绿(貌似吧)三种颜色的笔 然后他们的成本不同. 最后说了一下不同的原因.
题目有in order to题 有问你举出造笔厂这个例子是干啥的     
还有一些细节题

冷冷的

1.1.2 copyright

V1 by tracy175

第二篇 是讲版权的问题 copyright
有关maga company注重歌手的版权问题 为了控制市场 但这样会有碍文化的多元吧  具体的内容不记得了

考到了主旨题

V2 by jessicaxia

copyright system

第一段说，大部分的copyright集中于mega-company，它垄断了distribution networks，使得一些小众的东东不能出现在市面上。市场被同化，都是些大片等主流的东西，人们不能接触到小众的idea.

第二段说，这个copyright system有intrinsic缺陷。关于property. 对比了tune和chair, 说more access to a tune不会降低其效用，但是physical item比如chair，用的人多了，则会降低效用。

第三段接着第二段的chair 和tune, 继续解释。artist创作往往是要借鉴他人的东西，而借鉴多少算侵犯别人的copyright很难界定。所以copyright system会阻碍艺术的发展......最后说，现在的copyright system是不合理的。

考题：

1）under which circumstance will the international copyright system be less likely to hinder。。。

2）关于tune的，以下哪种说法正确？lz选的答案貌似是和效用有关的，就是把chair的特点反过来说

3）问mega-company导致了什么？lz选的答案好像与小众idea有关

4）主旨题

阅读材料：感谢cgzjessieli 分数740

    This development, however, has a major downside: companies owning massive amounts of copyrighted works can, at their whim, ban weaker cultural activities – not only from the marketplace, but also from the general audience's attention. This is happening under our very eyes. It is nigh impossible to ignore the blockbuster movies, bestselling books and top–chart records presented to us by these cultural molochs, who, incidentally, own almost every imaginable right to these works. As a result, most people are completely unaware of all those other, less commercialized activities taking place in music, literature, cinema, theater and other arts. This is a tremendous loss to society, because our democratic world can only truly thrive on a large diversity of freely expressed and discussed cultural expressions.

     Contrary to what one might expect, the seemingly endless possibilities of copying and sampling using modern digital technologies have so far only aggravated the situation. Publicly offering even a mere second's worth of copyrighted work will almost certainly attract attention from lawyers on behalf of the "owners" of said material. Sound artists, who used to freely sample work from others to build new musical creations, are now treated as pirates and criminals. Whole copyright enforcement industries have emerged, scouting the digital universe day and night for even the smallest snippet of copyrighted work used by others – and those found out, often stand to lose literally everything they have.Copyright has yet another intrinsic fault which makes it difficult to maintain in a democratic society. Copyright nowadays revolves almost exclusively around so–called intellectual property. This is a problem, since the traditional notion of property is largely irreconcilable with intangible concepts such as knowledge and creativity; a tune, an idea or an invention will not lose any of its value or usefulness when it is shared among any number of people. In contrast, a single physical object, such as a chair, quickly becomes less useful when more people want access to it; in this latter case, the term "property" has a clear meaning and purpose. Unfortunately, in the past decades the legal definition of property has been extended way beyond any physical constraints. These days, almost anything can be someone's property, such as fragrances and colors; even the makeup of the proteins in our blood and the genes in our body cells are being claimed as the exclusive property of one company or another, which can subsequently bar anyone else from using it. It is therefore high time to reconsider the current concept of property.

With regard to artistic works, it is quite conceivable that no single person should have the right to claim exclusive ownership over, say, a particular tune. We all know that almost every work of art, and every invention, is based upon the work of predecessors. Now this doesn't mean we should have less respect for artists creating new works of art based on the work of others, and we're obliged to contribute to artists' well–being and income in our society. Yet rewarding their every single achievement, or reproduction or even interpretation thereof, with a monopoly lasting many decades, is too much, because it leaves nothing for other artists to build on. In fact, even criticizing the artist's work can become rather hazardous, as it "damages" his "property". Unpleasant as this may sound, things get even worse when we consider that the vast majority of copyrighted works is owned by a relatively small group of large conglomerates. These mega–industries create, invent or produce nothing at all, yet demand that artists sign over all rights to their works to them, just for the privilege of having their works distributed.

From this point of view, there is ample reason to send our current system of copyright to the scrapheap. Artists will of course feel threatened by such a bold move. After all, without copyright, they will lose all means of existence, now won't they? Well, not necessarily. Let's first look at some numbers. Research by economists shows that only 10 percent of artists collect 90 percent of copyright proceeds, and that the remaining 90 percent of artists must share the remaining 10 percent of proceeds. In other words: for the vast majority of artists, copyright has only marginal financial advantages. Then there's another peculiar fact: most artists have entered into some sort of covenant with the cultural industry – as if these two groups have even remotely similar interests! For example GEMA, the German copyright organization, sends approximately 70 percent of copyright proceeds abroad, mostly to the US, where several of the world's biggest cultural conglomerates reside. In this process, the average artist is nowhere to be seen.

http://www.alreves.org/repertorium.php?cod_repertorium=4&lang=en

冷冷的

1.1.3 企业文化
V1 by tracy175
有关企业的 mutilnation mutliculture 以及 globalizaion 也忘了差不多了。。。

冷冷的

1.1.4建筑技术
V1 老张1119
一个新老观点对比题 结构蛮清晰的
第一段是说Hawii的temple还是啥的一个什么特征让科学家相信它们是比之前认为的建造的更快还是什么的（有题）
第二段是说科学家通过新的一种技术研究珊瑚还是啥的来验证他们的想法 然后说这些新的数据他们原来的设想的是相符合的(consistent)（有题） 证实了他们的猜想
V2 by cc1990 740
第二篇是说一个岛上有寺庙，科学家用元素追踪技术研究建寺庙时用的珊瑚，发现这个岛上的一段时间内社会历史文化变化比之前预想要快。题目有主旨，还有问珊瑚的用处，应该是装饰品，因为文中有Ornamentally.
阅读材料：感谢cgzjessieli 分数740  这篇很清楚，建议看这篇
Hawaiian temples to the gods of agriculture and war — monumental platforms and terraces made of boulders composed of cooled lava — provide tangible archaeological evidence for this transition from chiefdoms to archaic states
The dates for the temple-building boom come from the ages of small branching corals called “cauliflower corals,” found in the temples. The exact symbolic value of temple corals to the Hawaiians — archived in the memories of oral historians — was probably lost when European diseases decimated the population at the end of the 18th century. The corals themselves were not objects of veneration, according to Kirch; rather, they may have served as symbolic offerings, like votive candles in a Catholic church.  
The base of this branch coral from a Kahikinui archaeological site has been dated to the year 1601, plus or minus seven years. The tip has been dated to 1608 with the same margin of error. The preservation of the specimen indicates that living coral was collected from the sea bottom.
The researchers are confident that coral ages provide temple ages. Delicate surface structures on temple corals indicate that these corals were collected live and brought almost immediately to the temples. If the corals were collected dead from the beach, these tiny surface structures would be damaged or absent.
The kinds of corals found in the temple pull uranium from the seawater into their skeletons. Over time, the uranium inside coral skeletons naturally decays to lead in several steps, and one of the intermediate products is the element thorium.Sharp estimated the ages of temple corals by measuring the concentrations of thorium versus uranium present in the coral skeletons.
This temple-dating approach is an improvement over carbon-14 dating techniques that have been used to estimate the age of charcoal remains of pig bones and other organic materials found at the temples. Dating these charcoals requires scientists to take atmospheric carbon-14 fluctuations into account, which increases the uncertainty of temple construction dates considerably. In contrast, coral age estimates are not influenced by changes in the carbon-14 content of the atmosphere through time.
Sharp dated the outer tips of the corals to get as close as possible to the “death date” — the date someone harvested the coral from the ocean and brought it to a temple construction site or temple dedication ceremony.
The surprising swiftness of the transition in ancient Hawaiian society, revealed by the new temple construction dates, raises the possibility that similar transitions elsewhere in the world may have been equally abrupt, the authors say.  http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/6792 ... tale-social-change/
———————————————————————————————————————
Pihanakalani heiau in Wailuku, Maui, one of the oldest Hawaiian temples on the island, is believed to have been built in the 13th century. but using modern radiocarbon-dating techniques, anthropologist Michael Kolb of Northern Illinois University said he has determined the ancient temple was erected in the early 13th century, at the start of a 500-year span of heiau construction that peaked during times of great political and social change.
    Pilana:His research indicates the temple was renovated at least seven times, a common practice as new chiefs came into power.Oftentimes they wouldn't build new ones, but go in and modify and adds wings to existing temples.每当新得酋长到来，就重新修饰
      Kirch :many major Hawaiian temples on Maui were built within a 30-year span coinciding with Pi'ilani's rise to power.
      Most of the coral samples used in Kirch's research were taken from the surface of heiau and may not reflect the period of original construction, Kolb said, since materials were recycled during subsequent alterations. 珊瑚来自外表，不能真正反应建筑时间
      In response, Kirch said that his research did not claim that no heiau were built before the late 1500s and 1600s, but rather that the period was a rapid phase of temple construction, which he said is in "good agreement" with Kolb's findings.
       政权交替和temple的重建，用珊瑚同位素可以证明

冷冷的

1.1.5 改善交通理论
V1 by 老张1119
是说一个叫什么Modesman的人提出一个改善某地交通的理论
第一段是说他通过这个理论而走红 他好像是把这个地区的所有交通灯还是什么的都remove了 然后一年后大家惊讶的发现这个地区的交通变好了 公交车什么的可以开的更快了（有题）
第二段是说他说在实施这个理论前必须做好多准备工作 学习了N多东西（有题） （这一段后面的东西失忆了）
第三段是作者观点 说他虽然改善了交通 但是这同时he creates the confusion and ambigious， 因为这样一来这个地区路好像就变得不像大城市里的路了 变窄了还是啥的 然后就变得很乡土好像==
问题具体怎么问的忘了 好像回文章定位就行
V2 by cc1990 740
第一篇是说一个人M，用新的方法解决城市交通问题，就是不用严格的红绿灯之类的，装了一些乱七八糟的东西后…反而公交车等待通过的时间少了(有考题，问公交车怎么样的)，虽然交通数量上升但不堵。M用的方法是改变人们对时间的观念。最后一段是说这个人M又在另一个地方实验，让这个地方更villagelike，最后也是成功的。题目不是很记得了。。但不难。
V3 by tonality 740
M这个人去到德国一个什么城市，在原来十字路口的地方改建，traffic light好像没有完全去掉，用discreet形容的，留下了一些法规规定不能去掉的指示吧。（这里有和他在下一个城市的比较，另个城市好像把指示灯都去掉了吧，这个没有完全去掉）后来，那个人又去了德国的O这个地方。说关键在于改变什么的Time的观念。这里有题的。
V4 by lesezeichen 680
一篇是讲一个M因为他的2001project出名了，为什么呢？因为他在一个D城市做了一个治理交通的措施，把信号灯之类的都拿掉了，结果效果很好，在交通增长的情况下，这里的交通却很好，bus可以很容易通过（有考点），事故也少。到这里分别是第一段和第二段。第三段就说了他又在另外一个城市做了project，也柏油路弄成石块路之类的，总之就是相比那些明确的交通信号信息，他的改造让这个城市变得village like，有了confusion和ambuguity（有考点，问提到这两个是要干嘛）。然后M就说，要改变交通，就要改变交通的context，改变大家的concept of time（这里面的逻辑关系大家要再仔细读哈，不过不重要）。大概如此了
V5 by jsmart
traffic的，三段，M改进了traffic，使交通变好了，然后好像他自己又发现问题了……记得一题是M和另一个O观点相同之处，有一个选项是都说交通枢纽不放交通灯 想起来再补充…
材料：感谢freewer提供，太牛了！必须是原文！

Freedom for traffic

      An unassuming Dutch traffic engineer showed that streets without signs can be safer than roads cluttered with arrows, painted lines, and lights.
     And Monderman certainly changed the landscape in the provincial city of Drachten, with the project that, in 2001, made his name. At the town center, in a crowded four-way intersection called the Laweiplein, Monderman removed not only the traffic lights but virtually every other traffic control. Instead of a space cluttered with poles, lights, “traffic islands,” and restrictive arrows, Monderman installed a radical kind of roundabout (a “squareabout,” in his words, because it really seemed more a town square than a traditional roundabout), marked only by a raised circle of grass in the middle, several fountains, and some very discreet indicators of the direction of traffic, which were required by law.
      这一段说的是M自己闭上眼睛，倒走到他设计的路中间，结果并没有像在普通道路上一样——所有的车刹车再启动，而是车辆依然有序行驶。As I watched the intricate social ballet that occurred as cars and bikes slowed to enter the circle (pedestrians were meant to cross at crosswalks placed a bit before the intersection), Monderman performed a favorite trick. He walked, backward and with eyes closed, into the Laweiplein. The traffic made its way around him. No one honked, he wasn’t struck. Instead of a binary, mechanistic process—stop, go—the movement of traffic and pedestrians in the circle felt human and organic.
      实验一年后的结果：拥挤减少、事故减少A year after the change, the results of this “extreme makeover” were striking: Not only had congestion decreased in the intersection—buses spent less time waiting to get through, for example—but there were half as many accidents, even though total car traffic was up by a third. Students from a local engineering college who studied the intersection reported that both drivers and, unusually, cyclists were using signals—of the electronic or hand variety—more often. They also found, in surveys, that residents, despite the measurable increase in safety, perceived the place to be more dangerous. This was music to Monderman’s ears. If they had not felt less secure, he said, he “would have changed it immediately.”
      Monderman believed that the best way to change people’s behavior was to change the context. This simple insight was one of the foundations of his traffic revolution, which took root a decade before he remade Drachten. In the mid-1980s,   Monderman, then a regional safety inspector for Friesland, was dispatched to the small village of Oudehaske to check the speed of car traffic through the town’s center (two children had been fatally struck). Previously, Monderman, like any good Dutch traffic engineer, would have deployed, if not an actual traffic light, the tools of what is known as “traffic calming”: speed bumps, warning signs, bollards, or any number of highly visible interventions.（交代了背景：作为交通安全官员，M被发配到一个小村里去检测城镇中心的车速。按常理，控制车速的手段不外乎装红绿灯、减速带等）
      但是M觉得在这个town，既没有必要也太贵。But those solutions were falling out of favor with his superiors, because they were either ineffective or too expensive. At a loss, Monderman suggested to the villagers, who as it happens had hired a consultant to help improve the town’s aesthetics, that Oudehaske simply be made to seem more “villagelike.” The interventions were subtle. （正评价，嘿嘿）Signs were removed, curbs torn out, and the asphalt replaced with red paving brick, with two gray “gutters” on either side that were slightly curved but usable by cars. As Monderman noted, the road looked only five meters wide, “but had all the possibilities of six.”
The results were striking. Without bumps or flashing warning signs, drivers slowed, so much so that Monderman’s radar gun couldn’t even register their speeds. 通过这种改进（把town改造的更villagelike,车速都自然降低了，雷达都检测不到……好夸张啊-。-）Rather than clarity and segregation, he had created confusion and ambiguity. 注意这段：因为他的方法制造了一种错觉，司机8知道哪条是他该走的路，所以开车不会很莽撞Unsure of what space belonged to them, drivers became more accommodating. Rather than give drivers a simple behavioral mandate—say, a speed limit sign or a speed bump—he had, through the new road design, subtly suggested the proper course of action. And he did something else. He used context to change behavior.用观念改变行为 He had made the main road look like a narrow lane in a village, not simply a traffic-way through some anonymous town.
图片：感谢“我系大P”大人

冷冷的

感谢fargone 提供
     我总结了一下，这个理论主要说的就是去掉行驶线、交通信号灯等交通规则的“提示物”，激发人们的自觉地自我约束行为，这样的交通管理效果更好。
Shared space is an urban design concept aimed at integrated use of public spaces.
Shared space removes the traditional segregation of motor vehicles, pedestrians and other road users. Conventional road priority management systems and devices such as kerbs, lines, signs and signals are replaced with an integrated, people-oriented understanding of public space, such that walking, cycling, shopping and driving cars become integrated activities.
History
The term 'shared space' was used by Tim Pharoah to describe informal street layouts with no traffic demarcation (see for example "Traffic Calming Guidelines" published by Devon County Council, 1991). The shared space concept has been associated strongly with the work of Hans Monderman, based on the observation that individuals' behaviour intraffic is more positively affected by the built environment of the public space than it is by conventional traffic control devices and regulations.
The goal of shared space is an improvement in road safety, encouraging negotiation of shared areas at appropriate speeds and with due consideration for the other users, using simple rules like giving way to the right. The term shared space should probably not be too closely defined, since there is wide scope for varying the design concept.
Safety, congestion, economic vitality and community severance can be effectively tackled in streets and other public spaces if they are designed and managed to allow traffic to be fully integrated with other human activity, not separated from it. A major characteristic of a street designed to this philosophy is the absence of traditional road markings, signs, traffic signals and the distinction between "road" and "pavement". User behaviour becomes influenced and controlled by natural human interactions rather than by artificial regulation.
Monderman is quoted as saying: "We're losing our capacity for socially responsible behaviour, ...The greater the number of prescriptions, the more people's sense of personal responsibility dwindles."  Another source attributes the following to Monderman: "When you don't exactly know who has right of way, you tend to seek eye contact with other road users... You automatically reduce your speed, you have contact with other people and you take greater care."
但是这个理论也有人质疑，主要两个原因：一是觉得残疾人不方便；二是很多骑车的人觉得不安全（这段太长我替大家概括一下哈）


Time, of course, is highly subjective. Traffic experts have long known thatpeople in traffic tend to feel they are making more progress at a slow, continuous clip than if, over the same distance, they wait at a long traffic light, then drive quickly to the next light. Traffic plays into what is known as “queue psychology”: We think waits are longer when we don’t know how long they will be, or when we are alone, for example. David Levinson, a researcher at the University of Minnesota, has found that drivers view waiting on the highway as less onerous than waiting for a “ramp meter” light to allow them to merge onto the highway.

冷冷的

1．1．6 专利保护法
V1 by周游ing
个关于专利保护法案的，就一个F法案通过了以后怎样怎样保护专利所有人，但是说这个法案不利于法官判，后来又有个什么T法案通过了，就先缩小了到法庭打官司的范围，然后judges就很高兴。（大致意思吧，里面比较绕）

V2 by cc1990 740
最后一篇是说美国1995年和2006年的两个关于trademark还是patent的保护法。问题有主旨，还有一个是问法官为什么比较喜欢其中一个法。文中有说到其中一个法更保守，能先剔除一些case，选项里也有这个。现在能想到的就先这些啦…要能再想到再补充~
我的材料：
词汇：Trademark 、patent、 conservative

商标  
1、主旨题
2、法官为何喜欢修改过的法案，对于dilution的释义更明确
Federal Trademark Dilution Act of 1995
Trademark Dilution Revision Act of 2006 (TDRA)
Trademark dilution theory 商标稀释理论is one of the most contentious aspects of trademark law.Although Congress enacted the Federal Trademark Dilution Act (“FTDA”) in 1996, courts struggle to interpret the statutory language.The definition of dilution is unclear, and the appropriate standard for injunctive relief is hotly contested.激辩申请禁止侵权
      Additionally, no uniform framework for litigating dilution claims exists.The Supreme Court’s 2003 edict on trademark dilution in Moseley v. V Secret Catalogue, Inc. did little to quell disputes because the Court only addressed the standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.Recently, in response  to the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the FTDA in  Moseley, Congress proposed an overhaul of the trademark anti-dilution law.Presently, Congress appears close to enacting the Trademark Dilution Revision Act of 2006 (“TDRA”).
    This note evaluates whether  the proposed TDRA provides beneficial alternatives to the  current definition of dilution, methodologies for analyzing claims, and standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.  Part I provides an overview of trademark law and historical highlights of trademark dilution, including the emergence of blurring and tarnishment theories.  Part II  investigates the inherent weaknesses of the FTDA definition of dilution, explores courts’various methodologies for  analysis of dilution claims, and explains the interpretations of the standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.  Part III explains the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the FTDA and identifies statutory language changes made by the TDRA in the three areas of dilution law explored in Part II.  Part IV discusses the prospective impact  of the TDRA in the three areas highlighted in Part II.  Part  V concludes the TDRA effectively addresses the need for a clear definition of dilution and analytical framework, and presents a pragmatic standard for injunctive relief.
      Until 2006, the FTDA was distinguished from most state trademark dilution laws in several ways: (1) The FTDA protects only "famous" trademarks; most state statutes do not explicitly require trademarks to be "famous" to be protected against dilution. (2) The FTDA, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, protected only against "actual" dilution of a trademark, whereas most state statutes provided trademark owners with a remedy whenever they could show a "likelihood" of dilution. (3) The Supreme Court suggested (although it did not have occasion to hold) that the FTDA protected only against dilution by "blurring" and not against dilution by "tarnishment" (see below).
Amendments to the FTDA took effect on October 6, 2006. The Act still protects only famous marks. However, Congress amended the act so that it expressly provides protection against a use of a mark that is "likely" to cause dilution. The new statute thus eliminates the requirement of proving "actual dilution."新的法案不要求提供actual dilution的证据，因此变得容易

冷冷的

1.1.7 书店
V1 by jsf22
第一道是说书店的。
第一段说book chain，但是放到全国，每个店仍要本地化什么的。
第二段说非连锁的书店，因为有本地化的各种优势。
V2 by jessiacacai  我觉得这个jj已经很好了，谢谢狗主人
chain store
第一段说，chain store的大量涌现使得independent store不能生存，减少了regional difference. 然而，chain store的发展是考虑regional因素的，比如geography,economy等等。举例，先是washington以及O打头的一个州，说这两个地方bookstore多是weather原因，rain多；然后说Alaska和Hawaii，地势偏远，进货难需要时间。然后又提到了Alaska和Hawaii的差别。
第二段说，independent store并没有完全消失，它们的经营策略是避免head-on冲突，到chain store少的地方经营，或者专注于special market. 书店不光卖书，还搞book signing等一系列活动。随着作者的national tour减少，这种在书店里的签名售书越来越普遍。
考题：
the passage suggests, at the time when it was written, which of the following is true？答案选项两个是关于W和O这两个州的，三个是throughout the United States. lz选的是national tour is decreasing.
我的材料：
可能和borders倒闭有关
题目：
1、主旨题
2、作者认为连锁书店XXXXX
3、地方书店的优势在于
Analysts say retail bookstore chains will cease to exist as we know them, underperforming stores will close and bookstore chains will be reduced to a few localized stores catering to specialized local needs.  
      Bookstore chains must reduce their retail footprints in order to survive, according to Wahlstorm.  He said that there is a high likelihood that Barnes & Noble like Borders will close underperforming stores in coming years.
      To stay relevant bookstore chains would have to use their store space productively and find a market niche, according to Bishop.
     “They can try to drive traffic and sales through the physical stores by means like adding cafes, establishing relationships with the local community, and offering exclusive or targeted products (B&N is making a big push toward its new educational toys & games department),” wrote Wahlstrom.针对本地市场推出营销方案
      Maybe bookstore chains have a lesson to learn from smaller independent book stores that have dodged the online and e-books bullets by keeping unique selections of books and providing social space to their local communities.地方的小书店和社区关系紧密
"Independent bookstores are very well connected to their communities. When you do that there will always be value for your bookstore,” said Lubeck. He said that bookstore chains should adopt this successful formula.

冷冷的

1.1.8 外包服务
V1 by jsf22
第一段说1980年之后，美国公司大量裁人，但单位生产率并未提升，产出并没有下降；分析了不是高科技运用提高了生产率，另有原因。
第二段说原因是大量业务外包，因为公司追求更少的人工成本，因为除了不用支付更多的工资，也不用支付那么多福利。同时公司做法并不违反劳工合同，因为skilled employee公司会继续留用。
有主旨题。还有问为什么要外包，选降低人工成本。还有问为什么说不违反劳工合同。不太确定记忆是否准确了。
我的材料：
背景：经济滞涨时期，企业采取外包，节约成本。但是，带来问题，但是不违反劳动合同。  
    Outsourcing is when one company sells a part of their company to another. This usually happens when the company wants to save money. 省钱Outsourcing was first mainly seen in the early 1980’s during a time of stagflation滞涨, or a time where economic growth is slow, unemployment rates and inflation is high.  Foreign competition in trade had steady rates compared to the United States market and had a cost advantage over American goods. Car companies, which were suffering greatly during this time, took a radical step and moved about ten factories out of Michigan to Mexico (2,5).

        This outraged the United Autoworkers Union (UAW) because American’s who worked in the factories that had been outsourced, were left jobless.  UAW negotiated with the car companies to keep the outsourcing of the parts division to overseas countries (2).
        The car factories use of outsourcing caught the eyes of other businesses: companies saw profit with the use of outsourcing. Soon after more and more companies began expand their companies in Mexico, on the Mexico-United states border.  Many American citizens failed to notice the outsourcing that was beginning to happen on the United States-Canadian border.  Outsourcing of filmmaking was a common in the 1990’s, but also to the manufacturing of parts.  Canada’s trade with the United States began to increase and benefit, while American parts suppliers began to go bankrupt and lay off their workers (2).
This trend in outsourcing in the United States has been increasing steadily since its debut in the 1980’s, but now is being exposed to the average American.   Common jobs, such as calculating worker’s payrolls, can be found in overseas companies, that provide cheaper labor, then it would cost if an American laborer worked for the company in the United States (1).  Competition between companies is increasing, and companies that outsource have a great advantage over companies who only work within the United States territory.  The cutting of jobs in American businesses is becoming increasingly common, leaving healthy, skilled, and knowledgeable people to suffer as they look for the few available jobs in their area.  Companies take advantage of the cheap labor to allow their businesses to expand, which is the main reason that outsourcing continues to grow