全面整理的阅读新题，【题目+答案】汇总

Ivxiuer7801

成本计算法

第一段：过去的企业生产产品少，成本计算容易，而现在企业产品种类很多，旧的计算法就显得过时了。

第二段：举例（考举例作用题）有两家造笔厂，A生产蓝色笔；B生产蓝、粉色、绿三种同样数量的笔10000只。B属于劳动分工，所以cost高些，用旧的成本计算法，B的单位成本高于A，但实际上两家企业生产一支蓝笔的cost是一样的。

第三段：B成本高卖得贵，A就相对有优势。结果B卖不过A，于是降价、profit低，最后停产，不得不去生产其他成本更高的颜色的笔，最后造成额外的负担。

主旨：旧的成本计算法过时，要用新的。举例：用两家造笔厂来说明了旧的过时了。

题目：

1、
in order to，问举这个造笔厂的例子的作用是啥？说明这种成本计算法的不足和缺陷。

2、
如果用实际成本actual cost来定价，则这些笔的profit变化怎样？

选项有：1.蓝笔会获得less profit，2.粉笔会获得less profit，3，所有笔都会获得less profit，4，所有笔的profit都不变。（注意cost、定价和profit三者关系的部分）

Ivxiuer7801

版权问题

第一段说，大部分的copyright集中于mega-company，它垄断了distribution networks，使得一些小众的东东不能出现在市面上。市场被同化，都是些大片等主流的东西，人们不能接触到小众的idea.

第二段说，这个copyright system有intrinsic缺陷。关于property. 对比了tune和chair, 说more access to a tune不会降低其效用，但是physical item比如chair，用的人多了，则会降低效用。

第三段接着第二段的chair 和tune, 继续解释。artist创作往往是要借鉴他人的东西，而借鉴多少算侵犯别人的copyright很难界定。所以copyright system会阻碍艺术的发展......最后说，现在的copyright system是不合理的。

This development, however, has a major downside: companies owning massive amounts of copyrighted works can, at their whim, ban weaker cultural activities – not only from the marketplace, but also from the general audience's attention. This is happening under our very eyes. It is nigh接近 impossible to ignore the blockbuster了不起的人 movies, bestselling books and top–chart records presented to us by these cultural molochs, who, incidentally, own almost every imaginable right to these works. As a result, most people are completely unaware of all those other, less commercialized activities taking place in music, literature, cinema, theater and other arts. This is a tremendous巨大的 loss to society, because our democratic民主的，大众的 world can only truly thrive on a large diversity of freely expressed and discussed cultural expressions.

Contrary to what one might expect, the seemingly endless possibilities of copying and sampling using modern digital technologies have so far only aggravated the situation. Publicly offering even a mere second's worth of copyrighted work will almost certainly attract attention from lawyers on behalf of the "owners" of said material.Sound artists, who used to freely sample work from others to build new musical creations, are now treated as pirates and criminals. Whole copyright enforcement industries have emerged, scouting侦查 the digital universe day and night for even the smallest snippet片段 of copyrighted work used by others – and those found out, often stand to lose literally everything they have.Copyright has yet another intrinsic本质的
fault which makes it difficult to maintain in a democratic society. Copyright nowadays revolves almost exclusively around so–called intellectual property. This is a problem, since the traditional notion of property is largely irreconcilable with intangible concepts such as knowledge and creativity; a tune, an idea or an invention will not lose any of its value or usefulness when it is shared among any number of people. In contrast, a single physical object, such as a chair, quickly becomes less useful when more people want access to it; in this latter case, the term "property" has a clear meaning and purpose. Unfortunately, in the past decades the legal definition of property has been extended way beyond any physical constraints. These days, almost anything can be someone's property, such as fragrances香味 and colors; even the makeup of the proteins in our blood and the genes in our body cells are being claimed as the exclusive property of one company or another, which can subsequently bar anyone else from using it. It is therefore high time to reconsider the current concept of property.

With regard to artistic works, it is quite conceivable that no single person should have the right to claim exclusive ownership over, say, a particular tune. We all know that almost every work of art, and every invention, is based upon the work of predecessors. Now this doesn't mean we should have less respect for artists creating new works of art based on the work of others, and we're obliged to contribute to artists' well–being and income in our society. Yet rewarding their every single achievement, or reproduction or even interpretation thereof, with a monopoly垄断 lasting many decades, is too much, because it leaves nothing for other artists to build on. In fact, even criticizing the artist's work can become rather hazardous, as it "damages" his "property". Unpleasant as this may sound, things get even worse when we consider that the vast majority of copyrighted works is owned by a relatively small group of large conglomerates. These mega–industries create, invent or produce nothing at all, yet demand that artists sign over all rights to their works to them, just for the privilege of having their works distributed.

From this point of view, there is ample足够的 reason to send our current system of copyright to the scrapheap废物堆. Artists will of course feel threatened by such a bold move. After all, without copyright, they will lose all means of existence, now won't they? Well, not necessarily. Let's first look at some numbers. Research by economists shows that only 10 percent of artists collect 90 percent of copyright proceeds收入, and that the remaining 90 percent of artists must share the remaining 10 percent of proceeds. In other words: for the vast majority of artists, copyright has only marginal微薄的 financial advantages. Then there's another peculiar罕见的 fact: most artists have entered into some sort of covenant契约 with the cultural industry – as if these two groups have even remotely similar interests! For example GEMA, the German copyright organization, sends approximately 70 percent of copyright proceeds abroad, mostly to the US, where several of the world's biggest cultural conglomerates企业集团 reside. In this process, the average artist is nowhere to be seen.

题目：

1、
主旨题。
大公司对copyright的垄断阻碍了音乐的发展。批system of copyright是有问题的

2、
举例中tune（无形资产intangible）的特点是：不会因使用变useless，对chair取非。（注意椅子处的细节）will not lose any of its value or usefulness

3、
改善题：under which circumstance will the international copyright system be less likely to hinder。。。如何使得international copyright system不再阻碍音乐发展：

对international copyright system缺点取非（第一段）more commercialized activities
freely expressed and discussed cultural expressions

4、
（重要！）问垄断公司（mega-company）导致了什么结果？ no diversity、no invention
（第一段）
create, invent or produce nothing at all
不能接触到小众idea

5、
举的例子中tune和chair区别是？（和2相像，读的时候注意二者的对比）

a tune, an idea or an invention will not lose any of its value or usefulness when it is shared among any number of people. In contrast, a single physical object, such as a chair, quickly becomes less useful when more people want access to it

6、
以下哪种情况，比较符合作者的想法？选项是：1、让艺术的创作者拥有版权；2、不让版权掌握在少数company手里
（待定）----我推断：作者反对版权集中到少数人是手里了，不应设版权。

7、
现行版权制度撤销将怎么样？（同6题）

Ivxiuer7801

企业文化multicultural multinational

公司的multinational和multicultural multinational.全文主要意思是说，multinational的advantage在于reduce cost，而multicultural可以聚集local knowledge in different divisions。

说现在很多企业都是multinational，然后解释了一下，multinational的意思就是说，企业在一个nation建一个总部，其他分部的建立只是为了能够找到更便宜的worker。

但有些企业在考虑转化为multicultural multinational，multicultural multinational的意思是说，每个地方的分部都是有其地方特色的，要听取每个地方的员工的建议，而不像multinational那样过度中央集权。但它的劣势显然就是成本太高了，因为要有地方特色的嘛。解决成本太高的问题是可以通过建立world standard来解决。

最后说所以现在很多企业都面临这这样一个controversy problem, 绝大多数只能做到其中的一点，而做不到两者。

题目：问controversy problem高亮，问的是你infer可以怎么解决这个controversy problem

我选的是实行multicultural multinational但不使用world standard。

第一段：M-M策略融入本地culture比standard globalization好。全球化中企业方式有二：multinational统一管理采用 standard的策略好处在于能减小costs（有题），但culture融合有问题；M-M策略好处是采取各division中本土员工的knowledge。

第二段：M-M也有不足之处：costs高，效率efficient低。然后，又来一种形式，管理好，效率高成本还低。（待定？）最后， culture和cost二者鱼与熊掌contradiction（考）的，很少公司能二者兼顾。

主旨：全球化，要注意culture融合的问题，采用M-M虽好可costs高效率低，能兼顾最好

     跨国公司：成本低，有一个总部，统一管理采用standard策略

跨文化跨国企业：成本高，效率低，但是有地方特色，采用world standard策略

题目：

1、
采用M-M策略的公司会干嘛？
采纳各division中本土员工的knowledge（注意确定是“本土员工”还是 “本土公司”）

2、
没有采用M-M战略的公司会同意以下哪个（standard globalization好处是）？
成本低
（costs）

3、
改善题：用M-M的公司如何解决这个contradiction？采取一种降低成本但不是standard globalization的策略

考古

第一段主要讲了global technology，由于一些跨国公司的存在和国际贸易的推荐，各种技术在全球范围内得到交流。然后交流的形式包括，然后就有了四个列举，一个是technology的investment，一个是什么的licensing，一个是corporation between不同的公司还是国家

第二段就是讲现在出现了一种趋势还是什么就是technology的national,出现这种的原因是国家还是企业把technology当成是一种非常重要的资源，然后说这个是符合一个outdated的theory把什么resources，human resources之类的东西当成是一种competitive advantage。然后又说保证technology的national就是保证这种competitive advantage的存在。但是第二段最后又提出由于一般比较advanced technology都需要corporation，意思就是说global的合作的感觉。

第三段：相当于是综合了两个观点一样，首先说企业还是应当保持一种national的technology来保证这样的一种competitive advantage，然后又同时说有时候还是应该加强国际之间的合作global technology。

题目：

1、global的technology是有什么表现，except题：political alliance between countries

2、作者对于那个观点（就是提出competitive advantage的那个观点）的看法：原文用的形容词是outdated ,Antiquated，我想了一下就是选了个评价那个观点过时之类的选项。

3、如果为什么要保持经济全球化，应该是第二段的定位题，我当时时间很紧，E选项是重视什么国际和国内市场，其他的选项不是很记得了。

Ivxiuer7801

建筑技术

第一段：夏威夷（Hawaii）上的temple的一个什么特征（待定？）让科学家相信社会历史文化变化比之前预想要快。（有题）

第二段：实验证明。用同位素元素示踪法，研究建寺庙时用的珊瑚（coral），发现和他们设想的是相符合的(consistent)（有题）
证实了他们的猜想。

主旨：通过同位素法对建筑temple用的coral的研究，证明历史文化的变化比预想的快。

题目：

1、
主旨题。（作者支持）

2、
新观点：历史文化变化预想的要快，新观点提出处有题。

3、
实验证明了什么结果有题。新的数据与原来的设想是相符合的，证明了猜想。

4、
问珊瑚的用处是？
做装饰品用。（因为文中有Ornamentally）

5、
问到文中最后一句话
”happen in the span of a single generation of Hawaiians” 是为了什么？证明那个（变革还是什么）很快

6、
问哪个问题文章没有提到？选项有“确定建造时间用的什么技术方法”，“珊瑚在建temple中的一种可能用途”楼主选了“为什么说那个时代是religious的”

背景知识

Hawaiian temples to the gods of agriculture and war — monumental platforms and terraces made of boulders卵石 composed of cooled lava岩浆 — provide tangible archaeological evidence for this transition from chiefdoms酋长 to archaic states

The dates for the temple-building boom come from the ages of small branching corals called “cauliflower corals,” found in the temples. The exact symbolic value of temple corals to the Hawaiians — archived in the memories of oral historians — was probably lost when European diseases decimated大批杀害 the population at the end of the 18th century. The corals themselves were not objects of veneration尊敬，崇拜, according to Kirch; rather, they may have served as symbolic offerings, like votive candles in a Catholic church.

The base of this branch coral from a Kahikinui archaeological site has been dated to the year 1601, plus or minus seven years. The tip has been dated to 1608 with the same margin of error. The preservation of the specimen indicates that living coral was collected from the sea bottom.

The researchers are confident that coral ages provide temple ages. Delicate精美的 surface structures on temple corals indicate that these corals were collected live and brought almost immediately to the temples. If the corals were collected dead from the beach, these tiny surface structures would be damaged or absent.

The kinds of corals found in the temple pull uranium铀 from the seawater into their skeletons.骨架 Over time, the uranium inside coral skeletons naturally decays to lead in several steps, and one of the intermediate products is the element thorium钍. Sharp estimated the ages of temple corals by measuring the concentrations of thorium versus uranium present in the coral skeletons.

This temple-dating approach is an improvement over carbon-14 dating techniques that have been used to estimate the age of charcoal remains of pig bones and other organic materials found at the temples. Dating these charcoals requires scientists to take atmospheric carbon-14 fluctuations into account, which increases the uncertainty of temple construction dates considerably. In contrast, coral age estimates are not influenced by changes in the carbon-14 content of the atmosphere through time.

Sharp dated the outer tips of the corals to get as close as possible to the “death date” — the date someone harvested the coral from the ocean and brought it to a temple construction site or temple dedication ceremony.

The surprising swiftness of the transition in ancient Hawaiian society, revealed by the new temple construction dates, raises the possibility that similar transitions elsewhere in the world may have been equally abrupt, the authors say.

Pihanakalani heiau in Wailuku, Maui, one of the oldest Hawaiian temples on the island, is believed to have been built in the 13th century. but using modern radiocarbon-dating techniques, anthropologist Michael Kolb of Northern Illinois University said he has determined the ancient temple was erected建立 in the early 13th century, at the start of a 500-year span of heiau construction that peaked during times of great political and social change.（通过碳检测得知古神坛是早于13世纪修建的，且在政治和社会改变的时候达到高峰。）

Pilana: His research indicates the temple was renovated重修 at least seven times, a common practice as new chiefs came into power. Oftentimes they wouldn't build new ones, but go in and modify and adds wings to existing temples.（每当新得酋长到来，就重新修饰）

Kirch: many major Hawaiian temples on Maui were built within a 30-year span coinciding with Pi'ilani's rise to power.

Most of the coral samples used in Kirch's research were taken from the surface of heiau and may not reflect the period of original construction, Kolb said, since materials were recycled during subsequent alterations. （珊瑚来自神坛的外表用于装饰，不能真正反应建筑时间）

In response, Kirch said that his research did not claim that no heiau were built before the late 1500s and 1600s, but rather that the period was a rapid phase of temple construction, which he said is in "good agreement" with Kolb's findings.政权交替和temple的重建，用珊瑚同位素可以证明

Ivxiuer7801

改善交通理论原文

第一段：去掉红绿灯等交通设备后，事故率下降了。设计师Monderman，将D市的很多交通管制设备谨慎地discreet去掉（留下law规定不能动的，有题），改成中间环岛。交通事故下降了。

第二段：公交车（bus）等待通过的时间变少了（有题）。虽然交通量增加了1/3，事故却下降了1/2 。M做实验前是要对交通口情况调查的，traffic flow /volume的数据知晓，不是乱规划。（有题）

第三段：M又到O市去复制实验，又取得成功。相比D市，他把O市交通设备去掉得更多，弄得更village like（有题，和D市对比），造成confusion and ambiguous（有题）改变交通的context，关键是改变大家的concept of time（有题）

原文Freedom for traffic

An unassuming Dutch traffic engineer showed that streets without signs can be safer than roads cluttered被塞满 with arrows箭头, painted lines, and lights. And Monderman certainly changed the landscape in the provincial city of Drachten, with the project that, in 2001, made his name. At the town center, in a crowded four-way intersection十字路口 called the Laweiplein, Monderman removed not only the traffic lights but virtually every other traffic control. Instead of a space cluttered with poles, lights, “traffic islands,” and restrictive arrows, Monderman installed a radical kind of roundabout环状交叉路口 (a “squareabout,” in his words, because it really seemed more a town square than a traditional roundabout), marked only by a raised circle of grass in the middle, several fountains喷泉, and some very discreet谨慎的 indicators of the direction of traffic没有被移走, which were required by law.

      这一段说的是M自己闭上眼睛，倒走到他设计的路中间，结果并没有像在普通道路上一样——所有的车刹车再启动，而是车辆依然有序行驶。

As I watched the intricate复杂的 social ballet that occurred as cars and bikes slowed to enter the circle (pedestrians行人 were meant to cross at crosswalks placed a bit before the intersection), Monderman performed a favorite trick. He walked, backward and with eyes closed, into the Laweiplein. The traffic made its way around him. No one honked按喇叭, he wasn’t struck. Instead of a binary二进制, mechanistic process—stop, go—the movement of traffic and pedestrians in the circle felt human and organic.

实验一年后的结果：拥挤减少、事故减少

A year after the change, the results of this “extreme makeover” were striking: Not only had congestion decreased in the intersection—buses spent less time waiting to get through, for example—but there were half as many accidents, even though total car traffic was up by a third.（对应题目：1问公交车怎么样的2改革给D这个地方带来了什么影响）
Students from a local engineering college who studied the intersection reported that both drivers and, unusually, cyclists were using signals—of the electronic or hand variety—more often. They also found, in surveys, that residents, despite the measurable increase in safety, perceived感觉到 the place to be more dangerous. This was music to Monderman’s ears. If they had not felt less secure, he said, he “would have changed it immediately.”

Monderman believed that the best way to change people’s behavior was to change the context. （出题点：改变了人的观念）This simple insight was one of the foundations of his traffic revolution, which took root a decade before he remade Drachten.：（他说在实施这个理论前必须做好多准备工作
学习了N多东西（有题） In the mid-1980s,
Monderman, then a regional safety inspector for Friesland, was dispatched派遣 to the small village of Oudehaske to check the speed of car traffic through the town’s center (two children had been fatally致命的 struck). Previously, Monderman, like any good Dutch traffic engineer, would have deployed部署, if not an actual traffic light, the tools of what is known as “traffic calming”: speed bumps, warning signs, bollards, or any number of highly visible interventions.（交代了背景：作为交通安全官员，M被发配到一个小村里去检测城镇中心的车速。按常理，控制车速的手段不外乎装红绿灯、减速带等）

但是M觉得在这个town，既没有必要也太贵。But those solutions were falling out of favor with his superiors, because they were either ineffective or too expensive. At a loss, Monderman suggested to the villagers, who as it happens had hired a consultant to help improve the town’s aesthetics, that Oudehaske simply be made to seem more “villagelike.” The interventions were subtle. （正评价，嘿嘿）Signs were removed标示被移走了, curbs torn out, and the asphalt沥青 replaced with red paving brick, with two gray “gutters” 水槽on either side that were slightly curved but usable by cars. As Monderman noted, the road looked only five meters wide, “but had all the possibilities of six.”

The results were striking. Without bumps or flashing warning signs, drivers slowed,（出题：M在两地措施的共同之处） so much so that Monderman’s radar gun couldn’t even register their speeds. 通过这种改进（把town改造的更villagelike,车速都自然降低了，雷达都检测不到……好夸张啊-。-）Rather than clarity and segregation, he had created confusion and ambiguity.（出题，这两个的目的：M的总目的）
注意这段：因为他的方法制造了一种错觉，司机8知道哪条是他该走的路，所以开车不会很莽撞Unsure of what space belonged to them, drivers became more accommodating.（两处措施的相同点） Rather than give drivers a simple behavioral mandate—say, a speed limit sign or a speed bump—he had, through the new road design, subtly suggested the proper course of action. And he did something else. He used context to change behavior.用观念改变行为（两地措施相同点） He had made the main road look like a narrow lane in a village, not simply a traffic-way through some anonymous town.

主旨：M设计师去掉红绿灯这一创新，增加了人们对潜在危险和不明确的意识，而变得更加谨慎，降低了交通事故率。

题目：

1、
改变对D市交通的公交bus产生的影响？（bus）等待通过的时间变少了、公交车开的更快了（答案不一致，待定？）

JJ中提到的在第一个城市中实施的一系列措施对城市有什么改善（选项有:
A. make the moving traffic quicker
B. reduce the number or the severity of the accidents

2、
对比：D市和O市做的改变不同之处？ O市改得更彻底，比D市还少了交通灯（？待定，具体设备考场确定）其实两个地方的措施是不一样的。第一个城市是在一个中心建立roundabout island，第二个是说把道路建的更加village like。

3、
对比：D市和O市做的改变的相同之处？没有交通警示牌，司机反而开的慢了（考场确认吧，变体！）选项：A说remove the traffic lights， B说都不装traffic signal ，CD貌似都在说以提高车速为目的，E的意思是说造成了两个地方的行人和车辆都具有了主观能动性，不仅仅是被动接。-----我的推测 E更靠谱
只有一点是相同的，就是这个人设计的理念。He used context to change behavior.（用观念改变行为)

4、
第三段提到confusion and ambiguous作用？  M人创新的目的，概括了M思想风格（确定）原文：the foundations of his traffic revolution

选指出M的总风格

5、
第三段：“关键是改变大家的concept of time”这句话有题。（我推测和3题是同一题）

6、
高亮：第三段的作用是？
解释

Ivxiuer7801

感谢fargone
提供

背景材料

我总结了一下，这个理论主要说的就是去掉行驶线、交通信号灯等交通规则的“提示物”，激发人们的自觉地自我约束行为，这样的交通管理效果更好。

Shared space is an urban design concept aimed at integrated use of public spaces.

Shared space removes the traditional segregation of motor vehicles, pedestrians and other road users. Conventional road priority management systems and devices such as
kerbs, lines, signs and signals are replaced with an integrated, people-oriented understanding of public space, such that walking, cycling, shopping and driving cars become integrated activities.

History

The term 'shared space' was used by Tim Pharoah to describe informal street layouts with no traffic demarcation (see for example "Traffic Calming Guidelines" published by Devon County Council, 1991). The shared space concept has been associated strongly with the work of
Hans Monderman, based on the observation that individuals' behaviour intraffic is more positively affected by the built environment of the public space than it is by conventional traffic control devices and regulations.

The goal of shared space is an improvement in road safety, encouraging negotiation of shared areas at appropriate speeds and with due consideration for the other users, using simple rules like giving way to the right. The term shared space should probably not be too closely defined, since there is wide scope for varying the design concept.

Safety, congestion, economic vitality and community severance can be effectively tackled in streets and other public spaces if they are designed and managed to allow traffic to be fully integrated with other human activity, not separated from it. A major characteristic of a street designed to this philosophy is the absence of traditional road markings, signs, traffic signals and the distinction between "road" and "pavement". User behaviour becomes influenced and controlled by natural human interactions rather than by artificial regulation.

Monderman is quoted as saying: "We're losing our capacity for socially responsible behaviour, ...The greater the number of prescriptions, the more people's sense of personal responsibility dwindles."  Another source attributes the following to Monderman: "When you don't exactly know who has right of way, you tend to seek eye contact with other road users... You automatically reduce your speed, you have contact with other people and you take greater care."

这个理论主要说的就是去掉行驶线、交通信号灯等交通规则的“提示物”，激发人们的自觉地自我约束行为，这样的交通管理效果更好。但是这个理论也有人质疑，主要两

个原因：一是觉得残疾人不方便；二是很多骑车的人觉得不安全

Ivxiuer7801

专利保护法

第一段：1995年美国提出一个商标（trademark）专利(patent)保护法案，但法律的条款provision在执行中有问题，说这个法案太宽泛，能以各种理由起诉不利于法官判。

第二段：2006年又通过了另一个法案，其中一个法更保守，能先剔除一些case，缩小了到法庭打官司的范围，法官就很喜欢（有题，是哪个法案待定？）

主旨：先后通过两个法案，一个执行有问题，另一个更保守，打官司前先踢掉一些case，省事法官更喜欢。

题目：

1、
主旨题。development（很绕，区分好哪个法案好，哪个不好，法官喜欢哪个）

2、
对比：法官为什么比较喜欢其中一个法案（为什么不喜欢旧法）？答案不一致：有说是新法预先剔除了case，所以法官喜欢；还有说公司喜欢，因为新的法filter掉很多不合适的case, 剩下的能打官司的基本都能打赢，而法官喜欢是认为新的法有good public sth. (对应原文提到旧法的 poor public sth)（待定？）大部分公司成为被告的官司要比做原告的官司多

3、
第一段有两句话被highlight，然后问两句话是什么关系？我选的是第一句是说一个法律的条目，第二句是举例印证别人是如何利用这些条目的。

4、
关键句是nonholder of the trademark 可以
在noncomercial情况下可以，记不太清了，大家一定注意第一段有个紧挨这的句子，会出细节题：第一句是解释这个法案，第二句貌似是illustration，反正我选的这个。

Ivxiuer7801

书店

第一段：chain-store书店的大量出现，威胁了independent store个体户的生存。chain store的发展是考虑regional因素的，传统book-chain是不会针对 region的特点进行装修的。但是新的survey发现很多大型的连锁书店都开始有了地方特色，针对地方的文化或者气候进行装修举例，Washington和Oren州的bookstore多是weather原因，rain多；Alaska和Hawaii位置很偏地势偏远，进货难需要时间。然后又提到了Alaska和Hawaii的差别。（有题，待定？）大家以为chain store的大规模让小书店难做生意。但是发现其实chain store让independent bookstore更localized, regional,或有什么culture特色等

第二段：independent store面对竞争很struggle。避开竞争有自己的一套：寻找特定的顾客群体啦等等，它们的经营策略是避免head-on冲突，到chain store少的地方经营，或者专注于special market.
书店不光卖书，还搞book signing签售会等一系列活动。随着作者的national tour减少，这种在书店里的签名售书越来越普遍。（有题，待定？）

主旨：chain-store的大发展削弱了independent store，缺少diversity；但小店们为了struggle，搞得形式多样，效果也不错。

题目：

1、
全文定位：the passage suggests, at the time when it was written, which of the following is true下面哪种说法正确？（注意关注一段W和O两个洲；二段小店搞签售会的地方；选项和他们有关，关注作家不愿意做national touring）

2、
主旨题。

3、
文章内容against下面哪个选项（和原文信息不一致的）？

4、
下面哪个现象least possible？选的是作者在连锁书店进行national sign（定位最后一段偏后位子）

5、
Independent store的优势在于？
“Independent bookstores are very well connected to their communities.

6、
作者认为Chain-store XXXXX?

背景材料

Analysts say retail bookstore chains will cease to exist as we know them, underperforming stores will close and bookstore chains will be reduced to a few localized stores catering to specialized local needs.  

Bookstore chains must reduce their retail footprints in order to survive, according to Wahlstorm. He said that there is a high likelihood that Barnes & Noble like Borders will close underperforming stores in coming years.

To stay relevant bookstore chains would have to use their store space productively and find a market niche, according to Bishop.

“They can try to drive traffic and sales through the physical stores by means like adding cafes, establishing relationships with the local community, and offering exclusive or targeted products (B&N is making a big push toward its new educational toys & games department),” wrote Wahlstrom.（针对本地市场推出营销方案）

Maybe bookstore chains have a lesson to learn from smaller independent book stores that have dodged the online and e-books bullets by keeping unique selections of books and providing social space to their local communities.（地方的小书店和社区关系紧密） “Independent bookstores are very well connected to their communities. When you do that there will always be value for your bookstore,” said Lubeck. He said that bookstore chains should adopt this successful formula.

Ivxiuer7801

外包服务

第一段：1980年出现大幅度裁员，因为经济大萧条Great Depression（有题）
；1993年也大幅度裁员layoff，但却没降低productivity，说了两个原因：高科技computer和management，作者都给否定了

第二段：作者给出原因：大量的业务外包了outsourcing。外包把high wage的员工换成low wage的员工，雇佣part time工人，因为part time工人工资低，且福利benefits也花的少（有题），但没有违反劳动合同，因留下skilled worker（有题，待定？）总之，降低labor cost。

考古：第二段先说了service outsourcing的特色feature。然后举了intellectual service的outsourcing。说这类的outsourcing,　客户通常来说很难通过下订单(place order)来描述(specify)要买什么样的服务产品（暗指service product知识含量高，不专门搞这个还真不懂呢，有考题）。介绍完特色以后，然后说了一大堆弊端，比如service outsourcing出去可能会有泄漏企业关键信息之类的risk。但是最后，作者话锋一转，说如果企业仔细考虑计划outsourcing strategy的话，就可以lower and minimize 所有的这些risk，证明了作者对待这个practice支持态度。

主旨：1983的大量裁员，公司productivity却没有降低，原因是大量业务外包了，成本少。

题目：

1、
主旨题。

2、
企业为什么要外包？
降低成本

3、
为啥说裁员、用临时工没有违反劳动合同？公司留下skilled worker（待定？）

4、
1930年裁员的原因？经济大萧条，确实经济困难economy suffers difficult（确定）

5、
公司用临时工的目的？减少labor cost（注意此题有个minimum wage陷阱，确定）

6、
改恶题：1980年的layoff不能用作者的观点解释是因为？抓住作者第二段给的原因，取非

考古

7、
题２：细节题，说问中为什么客户无法specify 他们要的service product：选因为客户没有这方面的expertise

8、
题３：好像是作者态度题，选作者支持outsourcing

背景：经济滞涨时期，企业采取外包，节约成本。但是，带来问题，但是不违反劳动合同。

Outsourcing is when one company sells a part of their company to another. This usually happens when the company wants to save money. 省钱Outsourcing was first mainly seen in the early 1980’s during a time of stagflation滞涨, or a time where economic growth is slow, unemployment rates and inflation is high. Foreign competition in trade had steady rates compared to the United States market and had a cost advantage over American goods. Car companies, which were suffering greatly during this time, took a radical step and moved about ten factories out of Michigan to Mexico (2,5).

    This outraged愤怒的 the United Autoworkers Union (UAW) because American’s who worked in the factories that had been outsourced, were left jobless.  UAW negotiated with the car companies to keep the outsourcing of the parts division to overseas countries (2).

        The car factories use of outsourcing caught the eyes of other businesses: companies saw profit with the use of outsourcing. Soon after more and more companies began expand their companies in Mexico, on the Mexico-United states border.  Many American citizens failed to notice the outsourcing that was beginning to happen on the United States-Canadian border.  Outsourcing of film making was a common in the 1990’s, but also to the manufacturing of parts.  Canada’s trade with the United States began to increase and benefit, while American parts suppliers began to go bankrupt and lay off their workers (2).

This trend in outsourcing in the United States has been increasing steadily since its debut in the 1980’s, but now is being exposed to the average American.   Common jobs, such as calculating worker’s payrolls, can be found in overseas companies, that provide cheaper labor, then it would cost if an American laborer worked for the company in the United States (1).  Competition between companies is increasing, and companies that outsource have a great advantage over companies who only work within the United States territory.  The cutting of jobs in American businesses is becoming increasingly common, leaving healthy, skilled, and knowledgeable people to suffer as they look for the few available jobs in their area.  Companies take advantage of the cheap labor to allow their businesses to expand, which is the main reason that outsourcing continues to grow

Ivxiuer7801

女性受男性影响原文

第一段：引出一个理论
这个理论的一个assumption（好像女性依赖男性是父系社会的表现）

第二段：however，这个理论的缺点
（有一个是忽略了其他学者的意见）

最后段：开始自己的观点

Recent debates in premodern women's history have focused on women's social and legal position.
The greatest contention（论点） appears to center on the particular systems or conditions that most consistently determined women's social status and the scope of their activity. Judith Bennett, for example, argues that patriarchy（父系社会） is the defining最典型的 system, while Bridget Hill maintains that economic factors are at least equally important.(1) Neither, however, questions the assumption that women's status was somehow essentially inferior to that of men.(2)
Female inferiority is perhaps most clearly expressed in the automatic guardianship 监护人of men over women, and not surprisingly, guardianship over women looms large（显得突出） in most studies of secular（现世的） women.(3) When a society is deemed patriarchal, there is, in fact, a strong tendency to assume that constraints（约束） on women's activities exemplify（证实） guardianship, or at least reflect an underlying tendency in that direction. It is nevertheless important to avoid any reflexive自反的 equation of patriarchy with guardianship over women.

第一段作者反驳了两个观点：父系社会对妇女地位的影响因素，还有经济因素对妇女地位的影响。

并且提出了自己的观点：以上两种观点都忽略了一个前提，那就是男性自动自发的监护、保护成为了女人地位低于并且依附于男人的因素。

   This assumption may well underlie two of the principal studies of the social history of medieval Flanders, both of which are predicated on（以...作为基础） the existence of guardianship over women. In The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children and the Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent,
David Nicholas
states "most women had legal personalities only through male guardians. The guardian's consent was implied even if he was not present to speak for her. The guardian of a single woman was normally her father or failing him a brother or uncle. Her husband assumed legal responsibility for her when she married."(4) A few pages later he reiterates重申 that
"single adult women were normally under the guardianship of their fathers or brothers, with tutelage （监护）reverting more generally to the kindred（亲属） if males of the conjugal（结婚的） family were dead or incompetent."(5)妇女的法律人格要通过男性监护来体现。而其本身无独立法律地位。

这一段说的是：第一段的新观点成为了两个中世纪Flanders的社会的理论研究的基础。这两个理论研究都是以guardianship作为基础的。他们得到了一个人（DN）的支持和验证。

   
Nicholas's work, however, is seriously flawed.
In the first place,
he documents only the sentence ending "through male guardians;" the rest of his statements lack citation.（引证）（匹配jj，缺乏documentation文献材料）
He provides no bibliography（参考文献）, and a search through his notes reveals that he did not look very far beyond the holdings of the city archives（档案） in Ghent. Although his introduction provides an overview of the historiography（编史） on European women's history in general,
it is most notable for the absence of the works of Flemish scholars on this subject.
While one can hardly fault him for omitting reference to works of contemporary scholars such as that of Marianne Danneel,(6) his neglect of
the work of Philippe Godding, of E. M. Meijers, and particularly of Jean Gilissen, a leading legal historian in the field,
is incomprehensible（令人费解的）.)

第三段是说DN的理论缺乏必要的根据。表现在他没有参考同时代Flemish人（Flander地方的人）的一些文献材料与观点。他的研究也没有跳出Ghent这个地方的局限。)缺乏文献支持male guardians的观点

     In the second place,
his one note refers the reader not to legal texts, but instead to W.
van Iterson's Vrouwenvoogdij ("Guardianship over Women").(8) Despite its title, however, Iterson's work does not confirm Nicholas's claims. For one thing, the focus of Iterson's work is the northern, not the southern Low Countries.(9) Secondly, a majority of the evidence Iterson cites comes from the fifteenth, not the fourteenth century. Thirdly, Iterson's stated focus is not all women, but only unmarried ones.(10) Finally, Iterson's conclusions are actually contrary to those of Nicholas; he states unequivocally（明确的）, in fact, that "there are no traces of a general fixed guardianship over an unmarried woman who has attained her majority."(11) He maintains instead that incidences of guardianship over single women in the northern Low Countries are, in fact, ad hoc（特别的） in nature.(12)（I的主张与N不同，不是确认N的结果）

第四段作者继续说DN的理论缺陷。因为DN只是参照了Iterson的观点，但是Iterson的观点除了书名外与DN的都不一致。表现在以下四个方面：Iterson着重的是北方的城市，证据来源于15世纪而不是14世纪，他只着重研究未婚妇女，第四，Iterson书中的观点与DN相对，他说guardianship对于独身女性来说是很特别的，也很难追溯。

There are reasons for Nicholas's difficulty in finding adequate documentation for his claims.
The conditions he outlines echo those associated primarily with Roman law,(13) but Roman law, as Philippe Godding had abundantly demonstrated, had a negligible（微不足道的） impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century

（有题）.(14) Furthermore, no item or provision（条款） in any keure (customary law of a community) directly addressed the issue of guardianship over women, and only one so much as implied a belief in womanly weakness that might, by extension, be taken to have necessitated guardianship.(15) Since guardianship over women, married or not, finds no expression in law codes, it must instead be deduced from（从...得出结论） practice.(16) Godding, the author of Le droit prive dans les Pays-Bas meridionaux du 12e au 18e siecle, readily acknowledges this state of affairs, but he, like Nicholas, assumes that some sort of a system of guardianship over women was in place; Godding does caution, to be sure, that actual practice was far from uniform.(17)

第五段说DN的理论难以得到文献的支撑的原因有二：第一，他的理论条件来源于当地的一部法律，但是这个法律在15世纪前，对Flander的人来说微不足道。第二，
法律中也并没有明确说明监护女人的这一条，只是说了句女人是弱者，因此可能需要必要的保护。所以DN的理论是从实践中而不是法律条文中得出的。

另外，本段也提到了另一个作家Godding，下个段落会详细说他。

   Guardianship is not the principal focus of either work, and neither scholar spends a great deal of time proving its existence. Although much of the rest of his analysis is predicated on guardianship over women, it is enough for Nicholas to have asserted its existence.
He may have assumed, in fact, that since Flemish society was patriarchal, women must have been under some form of guardianship.
Occasions when men act with women simply serve to confirm such an assumption. Godding is far more judicious（明智的）, providing one or two examples that might be considered to reflect guardianship within the context of a forthright discussion of the likelihood of its existence. At least upon one occasion, however, his evidence does not bear out（支撑） his conclusion. He claims, for example, that women in Lille were prohibited from judging men. The basis for this assertion is chapter 43 of the Lillois custumal. Chapter 43 states that men will judge men; it is easy to see how Godding arrived at the conclusion that women will not judge men. But the item also states that women will judge women. If one consistently applies the logic of Godding's own argument, this means that just as women are incapable of judging men, men are incapable of judging women hardly an indication of guardianship over women.(18)

这一段说的是DN他假设Flander是父系社会，女人要受男人保护。Godding显然要更明智，因为他提供了例子而不是假设。但是他的例子中起码有一个也是不能支撑他的观点的。（就是他说女人不能审判男人的那个例子，但是他曲解了引用原文的意思，所以不对）

     Our thesis, in contrast to the above, is relatively straightforward: that the lack of legal texts specifically addressing guardianship over women simply reflects the absence of any such systematic practice – that patriarchy, at least in medieval Flanders, did not necessarily imply guardianship over women.
新观点 If guardianship over women was not uniform, then any particular instances of it were probably ad hoc in nature, as Iterson suggests, and not systematic. An examination of constraints on bodily integrity, on the possession and disposal of property, on women's position within the family, on employment, and on public participation reveals, in fact, that men did not act for women in any systematic fashion.
It also reveals
not only that men were not economically responsible for women but also that they did not have to act for them in public.
The pairing of women with men in the documents was, with one exception, not a reflection of the demands of guardianship but rather an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted. The exception has to do with land held in feudal tenure.(19) Women participating in transactions involving fiefs were always represented by some man, acting as either guardian or advocate. Flanders was hardly feudal, however, and it would certainly be inappropriate to generalize the requirements pertinent to this one system of land tenure to cover all instances of female activity.

这一段提出了作者的新观点：缺乏文献支撑的男人保护女人的观点显然表明了现实中这种保护不存在普遍性。事实上男人也确实不会保护女人或在经济上对其负责。其实男人与女人的关系不是保护与被保护，而是两者作为一个合作共体的表现。

     The focus of this study is explicitly on secular women. Since urban areas left more records than did rural ones, the study centers primarily though not exclusively on women living in the major Flemish towns: Bruges, Douai, Ghent, Lille, and Ypres. The reason for leaving religious women out of the picture, even though the degree to which they exercised particularly local authority contributes significantly to our understanding of Flemish women's historical experience as a whole, is that they lived, for the most part, under quite distinct legal and social conditions. The exception, of course, was the beguines, who were neither fish (avowed) nor fowl (secular women). To include them would make this essay far too long; moreover, a large number of studies already focus on them.(20)

最后一段是说DN的研究主要在世俗妇女上，并且并不只研究生活在大城镇的妇女。另外，他也没有包括宗教女性，因为她们生活在一个非常不同的法律和社会环境中。

题目：

1. 考到了15世纪之前是什么样子的？
我选的是，15世纪之前罗马法律Roma law对社会只有很小的影响力。（定位题）

had a negligible（微不足道的） impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century

2.
考到了全文最后一段的作用是什么，
因为最后一段是作者用来反驳那个学者的观点的，因此选项很好选。

challenge之前说法的theory

3.
主旨题
选evaluating a study about ``那个
这个不那么确定