Ivxiuer7801

企业应如何解决污染

第一段：老观点：企业一般把资源花在降低成本和产品开发上，认为治污会产生成本cost。但新发现表明污染pollution会产生机会成本opportunity cost（有题）：waste resources, waste efforts等污染带来的损失代价。

第二段：举例：类比1980s的“quality revolution”的运动。该运动前，企业认为产品缺陷defects是生产过程中不可避免的，后来，企业认识到其实是生产效率低下：Viewing defects as a sign（有题）of inefficient product and process design，然后defect是可以避免的。

第三段：和“quality revolution”的运动一样，企业治污也是一个道理：Efforts to eliminate pollution can therefore follow the same basic principles widely used in quality programs:

主旨：新老观点对比型。老观点认为企业治污是cost负担，新观点认为这反而是opportunity

cost。举例，“quality revolution”的运动，类比说明企业治污道理一样，支持新观点。

题目：

1、
主旨题：
类似 introduce a new concept on the pollution-prevention method

2、
高亮：第二段的作用是？类比(analogy)的方法，举例说明企业治污也一样

类比defect和pollution

1、
opportunity cost污染的机会是指什么？possible losses if not prevent pollution

stop pollution before it begin

5、有一题问有junction molecule的作用吧。有两个选项挺接近的。一个说improve interactive ability of two types of molecule还有一个是conduit for information among cells. 我当时选了第一个，仔细想想的话应该是后一个吧。。

Ivxiuer7801

企业贷款

第一段：economist 有一个 hypothetical model, 内容主要说： when firms apply for a bank loan, 他们需要知道自己的operating costs,但是operating cost会被其他因素影响，因此还需要向bank 申请evaluation, bank要对他们进行investigation

第二段：银行给企业贷款要做评估screening，只对成功贷到款approved的收费。（有题）两种公司：Low-cost和High-cost，因low cost firm更容易被approved而缴费，这相当于在补贴subsidizes High-cost公司，于是，low 公司就想办法了。.

higher cost firms不容易被approved, while low cost firm更容易被approved，那么high cost firms will be subsidisized by low cost firms. and the low cost firm knows that. 因此，to distinguish from the high cost firm, they will 跟银行弄一个collateral.而collateral 的风险成本很大，所以high cost firm基本上不会collateral，而low cost firm 因为本身low cost，不特别在乎其带来的风险. 所以到后来，就只有low cost firm 弄collateral，而且他们只要弄了collateral银行就基本上不会对他们进行evaluation.

第三段：开始讲抵押。好公司为了让自己区分于坏公司，就说提供抵押，因为坏公司项目失败可能性高，自己都没信心所以不愿意给抵押，而好公司相反。
但好公司给抵押也要一定程度的，至少抵押多到坏公司不愿给的程度。

第四段：讲这个手段为什么有效呢，因为 high cost公司模仿的成本很高——如果他们提供抵押担保的话，他们是很容易还不了债而出去抵押物的

High-cost公司抵押的话风险risk更大，不会选择抵押，这样Low公司就不再补贴High公司了。银行得出经验啦，如果看到low cost公司提出“抵押”，就证明它挺有实力的，并且它不想帮High付评估费。

主旨：因银行评估贷款成功了要收费，Low公司容易成功相当补贴High公司了，于是Low公司就想出个抵债collateral的办法来避开high公司，就不用补贴啦。

题目：

1、
银行为什么只对贷款成功的企业收费？因为利润高
银行没动力去认真评估(防止拿钱不干事) 我选的就是如果全部都收bank就不会认真评估了

2、
高亮：第二段的作用？讲述Low costs公司为了逃避帮别人付额外的评估费所采取的措施

3、
这个screening model 的assumption是基于什么？

4、
作者认为low cost以怎样的方法获得贷款？Collateral

5、
问了下列哪个说法正确，就是绕来绕去的选项，我选的是high-cost公司比low-cost公司更有可能进行欺骗性的抵押(这个答案确认)

6、
银行只对批准贷款的公司作风险评估,为什么?　　第二段说,银行的evaluation是有cost的,为了保证他们的cost可以recoup,他们通常只向贷款成功
的firm收费.

7、
high cost firms 在什么情况下会去做质押？费用在可承受的范围内

8、
low cost公司为啥选择去抵押，选的
为了不subsidize high cost公司

Ivxiuer7801

P药与心脏病关系

第一段说，一个关于Nurse的survey发现，那些服用P药的人比不服用的人患心脏病的几率小，从而推测说P药可以decrease患心脏病几率。但又一个survey发现，服用P药的人竟然连accident的几率都比不服用的人小，于是开始质疑原先的结论，因为很显然，吃药与降低事故的几率没关系。于是就继续做实验，结果证明P药会increase患心脏病的几率。

第二段，解释。服用P药的人对于健康比较关注，所以生活习惯各个方面都会注意保健，所以患病的几率小。然后做实验(记不得了，貌似有提到placebo),最后说，两个表面上有联系的事件可能是因为其他的原因而被联系在一起（主旨）

有道题是类比题，问服药的人心脏病发病率低，可其实药物对心脏病没有作用与选项中哪个例子的原理相同。选项中有一个是说吃placebo的，意思差不多

你只要知道了药物和锻炼其实并不是本质上减少心脏病的几率，而是认为主观的觉得重要而带来的积极的心态影响的，都好选了

Ivxiuer7801

日本经济模式

第一段：日本经济腾飞啦，支持者拿出（泰罗Taylor/福特理论）日本的企业生产力通过，详细分工的方法得以提高（有题，位置待定？）。认为是由于创新innovation、skill、corporation方面的原因；反对者critics则认为根本不是什么创新（有题），只是assembly line。

第二段：批评家critics继续说，小日本只是press工人增加pressure强度，注重个人能力individual ability而已，并不创新。

第三段：最后作者站出来：两种说法都缺陷，应该将二者综合起来，中庸最好（有题）。作者还认为日本工人dependent on skills,这提高了他们bargain的pace讨价还价空间（有题）

题目：

1、
主旨题。选 Find the middle ground of two controversial theories。折中（确定）

2、
工人的bargain资本来自于？ High skill 小日本工人技术高

日本工人dependent on skills,提高了他们bargain的level

3、
反对派critics认为日本经济体系？critics 会认可关于production system哪个观点
根本不创新not innovative

4、
小日本靠详细分工合作，这个地方有考点。

Ivxiuer7801

Boater原文

第一段：上岛方式有二：private boat私船和charter boat租船。从1975~1985年，两种方式都涨了。分析认为游船增加的主要是1970年初期，政府出台了一项税收tax政策（有题），这法案（有题）减免购买游艇人税收。

第二段：船多了，本该觉得拥挤crowd，相反，游客perception of crowd decreased（有题）。分析认为，是人们的norm，expectation等因素变化了（确认作者是否推翻？）。

第三段：为什么游船增加了，但是游客的perception觉得less congested呢？老游客嫌吵都离开了，新游客来景区之前expectation人会很多，但是实际发现没那么拥挤，perception反而就觉得不crowd了（有题）新手novice，他们不熟悉skill和路线，所以更愿意去人多的地方，这样发生危险的时候可以求助。（有题，最后一段作用）

背景材料

Crowding and carrying capacity research has been dominated by cross-sectional studies.
Researchers have modeled the impact of visitor use on the quality of the outdoor recreation experience by measuring social conditions (use levels and encounters with others), psychological conditions (evaluation of encounters and perceived crowding), and social psychological conditions (encounter expectations and preferences). From these measures, one can aggregate visitor responses into a normative standard for "appropriate" use levels that can help resource managers set visitor use policy.

his study incorporates time into an analysis of crowding and carrying capacity to investigate how change affects visitor evaluations and experiences. The analysis employed three cross-sectional surveys of boaters to the Apostle Islands National Lakeshore in Wisconsin over a 22-year period, beginning in 1975 and each administered approximately 10 years apart.

This framework assumed that perceived crowding is an expression of individual judgment and socially shared norms标准 about "appropriate" density at a given site and at a given time.也就是说，挤不挤，感觉说了算 How crowded people feel depends, in part, on the expectations and preferences they bring to a recreation site. People may feel more crowded if they expect a low number of encounters but see more people than they expected. Moreover, based on these evaluative criteria, the individual may not feel crowded or evaluate the experience negatively until visitor encounters reach some threshold临界值 number.

      This normative approach, however, is problematic in cross-sectional crowding frameworks because visitors may change over time. Time related issues of change were recognized in the early 1970s during the planning stages of early carrying capacity studies (Shelby & Heberlein, 1986). At the Grand Canyon, there were concerns that the study of current visitors could not truly assess carrying capacity because past visitors, who might be more sensitive, would have been displaced. It is possible that they could have left the Canyon because use levels had increased from 500 visitors a year in the mid 1960s to over 16,000 in 1972. The "last settler syndrome" (Nielson & Endo, 1977) or "uninitiated newcomer" phenomenon (West, 1981) suggests that some newcomers to an area may have weakly defined normative expectations and preferences about an area (Roggenbuck, Williams, Bange, & Dean, 1991) and therefore will define current conditions as normal. Thus, aggregate measures of norms may change because of shifts in visitor composition over time.

Norms may also change independently of visitor composition. Cole and Stewert (2002) used a diary sampling method among Grand Canyon backpackers, and found substantial variation in individual responses to normative evaluations when measured at different backcountry zones and at different times during their trip. The product shift phenomenon suggests that people can also change their minds about standards of appropriate use given changing personal and social contexts (Shelby et al, 1988; Shindler & Shelby, 1995). The norms that they hold may change over time, and hence a relationship between encounters and perceived crowding that holds at one point in time may not hold at a second point. So, collective evaluations may also change, even while visitor characteristics remain roughly the same over time. Even though use level may be increasing, aggregate crowding levels may shift depending on a variety of broad social factors that may change the way people define appropriate uses of a recreation site. The only way to observe the potential for change, either in visitor composition or in the normative standards of visitors, is to measure social conditions and visitor evaluations at a single site over time.

主旨：通过游客perception反而就觉得不crowd说明了，实际和expectation的差别（实际没想象的那么挤）反而counter expectation。（也就是说，挤不挤，感觉说了算）

题目：

1、（确定） 1975年和1985年的情况相比，Boater认为？（应该选认为不那么挤了那项）

2、 1980年前后情况不一样，问 “1970年的法律”暗示什么？  80-85年的情况和75-80年的情况出现不同

3.、以下哪个因素不会影响Boater对拥挤程度的感觉: 答案推测（待定？）

– changes in norms, preference of the visitors 就前面解释推翻了

4.、下面那个政府的政策的说法，哪个是正确的？
我选的是不仅仅适用于business boat。这个选项是比出来的答案，其他几个明显与文中相反（待定？）

5、第三个问题是问关于菜鸟boater的。

6、（确定）问第三段的作用？
选elaborate an explanation suggesting a phenomena in the second paragraph

7、主旨题。我选分析一个unexpected phenomena的原因（待定？）我选的是解释湖区船多了但是大家还是不觉得挤的现象
我选的是出台税收政策对这个地方的的影响

8、关于bottle water哪个说法正确？选A：manufacturing of plastic bottle

比processing the water更浪费能源

9、novice boater为啥没有预期到拥挤，我选的答案就是他们没有被告知应该去什么地方划船，怎么划等具体信息

Ivxiuer7801

女性受男性影响原文

第一段：引出一个理论
这个理论的一个assumption（好像女性依赖男性是父系社会的表现）

第二段：however，这个理论的缺点
（有一个是忽略了其他学者的意见）

最后段：开始自己的观点

Recent debates in premodern women's history have focused on women's social and legal position.
The greatest contention（论点） appears to center on the particular systems or conditions that most consistently determined women's social status and the scope of their activity. Judith Bennett, for example, argues that patriarchy（父系社会） is the defining最典型的 system, while Bridget Hill maintains that economic factors are at least equally important.(1) Neither, however, questions the assumption that women's status was somehow essentially inferior to that of men.(2)
Female inferiority is perhaps most clearly expressed in the automatic guardianship 监护人of men over women, and not surprisingly, guardianship over women looms large（显得突出） in most studies of secular（现世的） women.(3) When a society is deemed patriarchal, there is, in fact, a strong tendency to assume that constraints（约束） on women's activities exemplify（证实） guardianship, or at least reflect an underlying tendency in that direction. It is nevertheless important to avoid any reflexive自反的 equation of patriarchy with guardianship over women.

第一段作者反驳了两个观点：父系社会对妇女地位的影响因素，还有经济因素对妇女地位的影响。

并且提出了自己的观点：以上两种观点都忽略了一个前提，那就是男性自动自发的监护、保护成为了女人地位低于并且依附于男人的因素。

   This assumption may well underlie two of the principal studies of the social history of medieval Flanders, both of which are predicated on（以...作为基础） the existence of guardianship over women. In The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children and the Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent,
David Nicholas
states "most women had legal personalities only through male guardians. The guardian's consent was implied even if he was not present to speak for her. The guardian of a single woman was normally her father or failing him a brother or uncle. Her husband assumed legal responsibility for her when she married."(4) A few pages later he reiterates重申 that
"single adult women were normally under the guardianship of their fathers or brothers, with tutelage （监护）reverting more generally to the kindred（亲属） if males of the conjugal（结婚的） family were dead or incompetent."(5)妇女的法律人格要通过男性监护来体现。而其本身无独立法律地位。

这一段说的是：第一段的新观点成为了两个中世纪Flanders的社会的理论研究的基础。这两个理论研究都是以guardianship作为基础的。他们得到了一个人（DN）的支持和验证。

   
Nicholas's work, however, is seriously flawed.
In the first place,
he documents only the sentence ending "through male guardians;" the rest of his statements lack citation.（引证）（匹配jj，缺乏documentation文献材料）
He provides no bibliography（参考文献）, and a search through his notes reveals that he did not look very far beyond the holdings of the city archives（档案） in Ghent. Although his introduction provides an overview of the historiography（编史） on European women's history in general,
it is most notable for the absence of the works of Flemish scholars on this subject.
While one can hardly fault him for omitting reference to works of contemporary scholars such as that of Marianne Danneel,(6) his neglect of
the work of Philippe Godding, of E. M. Meijers, and particularly of Jean Gilissen, a leading legal historian in the field,
is incomprehensible（令人费解的）.)

第三段是说DN的理论缺乏必要的根据。表现在他没有参考同时代Flemish人（Flander地方的人）的一些文献材料与观点。他的研究也没有跳出Ghent这个地方的局限。)缺乏文献支持male guardians的观点

     In the second place,
his one note refers the reader not to legal texts, but instead to W.
van Iterson's Vrouwenvoogdij ("Guardianship over Women").(8) Despite its title, however, Iterson's work does not confirm Nicholas's claims. For one thing, the focus of Iterson's work is the northern, not the southern Low Countries.(9) Secondly, a majority of the evidence Iterson cites comes from the fifteenth, not the fourteenth century. Thirdly, Iterson's stated focus is not all women, but only unmarried ones.(10) Finally, Iterson's conclusions are actually contrary to those of Nicholas; he states unequivocally（明确的）, in fact, that "there are no traces of a general fixed guardianship over an unmarried woman who has attained her majority."(11) He maintains instead that incidences of guardianship over single women in the northern Low Countries are, in fact, ad hoc（特别的） in nature.(12)（I的主张与N不同，不是确认N的结果）

第四段作者继续说DN的理论缺陷。因为DN只是参照了Iterson的观点，但是Iterson的观点除了书名外与DN的都不一致。表现在以下四个方面：Iterson着重的是北方的城市，证据来源于15世纪而不是14世纪，他只着重研究未婚妇女，第四，Iterson书中的观点与DN相对，他说guardianship对于独身女性来说是很特别的，也很难追溯。

There are reasons for Nicholas's difficulty in finding adequate documentation for his claims.
The conditions he outlines echo those associated primarily with Roman law,(13) but Roman law, as Philippe Godding had abundantly demonstrated, had a negligible（微不足道的） impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century

（有题）.(14) Furthermore, no item or provision（条款） in any keure (customary law of a community) directly addressed the issue of guardianship over women, and only one so much as implied a belief in womanly weakness that might, by extension, be taken to have necessitated guardianship.(15) Since guardianship over women, married or not, finds no expression in law codes, it must instead be deduced from（从...得出结论） practice.(16) Godding, the author of Le droit prive dans les Pays-Bas meridionaux du 12e au 18e siecle, readily acknowledges this state of affairs, but he, like Nicholas, assumes that some sort of a system of guardianship over women was in place; Godding does caution, to be sure, that actual practice was far from uniform.(17)

第五段说DN的理论难以得到文献的支撑的原因有二：第一，他的理论条件来源于当地的一部法律，但是这个法律在15世纪前，对Flander的人来说微不足道。第二，
法律中也并没有明确说明监护女人的这一条，只是说了句女人是弱者，因此可能需要必要的保护。所以DN的理论是从实践中而不是法律条文中得出的。

另外，本段也提到了另一个作家Godding，下个段落会详细说他。

   Guardianship is not the principal focus of either work, and neither scholar spends a great deal of time proving its existence. Although much of the rest of his analysis is predicated on guardianship over women, it is enough for Nicholas to have asserted its existence.
He may have assumed, in fact, that since Flemish society was patriarchal, women must have been under some form of guardianship.
Occasions when men act with women simply serve to confirm such an assumption. Godding is far more judicious（明智的）, providing one or two examples that might be considered to reflect guardianship within the context of a forthright discussion of the likelihood of its existence. At least upon one occasion, however, his evidence does not bear out（支撑） his conclusion. He claims, for example, that women in Lille were prohibited from judging men. The basis for this assertion is chapter 43 of the Lillois custumal. Chapter 43 states that men will judge men; it is easy to see how Godding arrived at the conclusion that women will not judge men. But the item also states that women will judge women. If one consistently applies the logic of Godding's own argument, this means that just as women are incapable of judging men, men are incapable of judging women hardly an indication of guardianship over women.(18)

这一段说的是DN他假设Flander是父系社会，女人要受男人保护。Godding显然要更明智，因为他提供了例子而不是假设。但是他的例子中起码有一个也是不能支撑他的观点的。（就是他说女人不能审判男人的那个例子，但是他曲解了引用原文的意思，所以不对）

     Our thesis, in contrast to the above, is relatively straightforward: that the lack of legal texts specifically addressing guardianship over women simply reflects the absence of any such systematic practice – that patriarchy, at least in medieval Flanders, did not necessarily imply guardianship over women.
新观点 If guardianship over women was not uniform, then any particular instances of it were probably ad hoc in nature, as Iterson suggests, and not systematic. An examination of constraints on bodily integrity, on the possession and disposal of property, on women's position within the family, on employment, and on public participation reveals, in fact, that men did not act for women in any systematic fashion.
It also reveals
not only that men were not economically responsible for women but also that they did not have to act for them in public.
The pairing of women with men in the documents was, with one exception, not a reflection of the demands of guardianship but rather an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted. The exception has to do with land held in feudal tenure.(19) Women participating in transactions involving fiefs were always represented by some man, acting as either guardian or advocate. Flanders was hardly feudal, however, and it would certainly be inappropriate to generalize the requirements pertinent to this one system of land tenure to cover all instances of female activity.

这一段提出了作者的新观点：缺乏文献支撑的男人保护女人的观点显然表明了现实中这种保护不存在普遍性。事实上男人也确实不会保护女人或在经济上对其负责。其实男人与女人的关系不是保护与被保护，而是两者作为一个合作共体的表现。

     The focus of this study is explicitly on secular women. Since urban areas left more records than did rural ones, the study centers primarily though not exclusively on women living in the major Flemish towns: Bruges, Douai, Ghent, Lille, and Ypres. The reason for leaving religious women out of the picture, even though the degree to which they exercised particularly local authority contributes significantly to our understanding of Flemish women's historical experience as a whole, is that they lived, for the most part, under quite distinct legal and social conditions. The exception, of course, was the beguines, who were neither fish (avowed) nor fowl (secular women). To include them would make this essay far too long; moreover, a large number of studies already focus on them.(20)

最后一段是说DN的研究主要在世俗妇女上，并且并不只研究生活在大城镇的妇女。另外，他也没有包括宗教女性，因为她们生活在一个非常不同的法律和社会环境中。

题目：

1. 考到了15世纪之前是什么样子的？
我选的是，15世纪之前罗马法律Roma law对社会只有很小的影响力。（定位题）

had a negligible（微不足道的） impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century

2.
考到了全文最后一段的作用是什么，
因为最后一段是作者用来反驳那个学者的观点的，因此选项很好选。

challenge之前说法的theory

3.
主旨题
选evaluating a study about ``那个
这个不那么确定

Ivxiuer7801

外包服务

第一段：1980年出现大幅度裁员，因为经济大萧条Great Depression（有题）
；1993年也大幅度裁员layoff，但却没降低productivity，说了两个原因：高科技computer和management，作者都给否定了

第二段：作者给出原因：大量的业务外包了outsourcing。外包把high wage的员工换成low wage的员工，雇佣part time工人，因为part time工人工资低，且福利benefits也花的少（有题），但没有违反劳动合同，因留下skilled worker（有题，待定？）总之，降低labor cost。

考古：第二段先说了service outsourcing的特色feature。然后举了intellectual service的outsourcing。说这类的outsourcing,　客户通常来说很难通过下订单(place order)来描述(specify)要买什么样的服务产品（暗指service product知识含量高，不专门搞这个还真不懂呢，有考题）。介绍完特色以后，然后说了一大堆弊端，比如service outsourcing出去可能会有泄漏企业关键信息之类的risk。但是最后，作者话锋一转，说如果企业仔细考虑计划outsourcing strategy的话，就可以lower and minimize 所有的这些risk，证明了作者对待这个practice支持态度。

主旨：1983的大量裁员，公司productivity却没有降低，原因是大量业务外包了，成本少。

题目：

1、
主旨题。

2、
企业为什么要外包？
降低成本

3、
为啥说裁员、用临时工没有违反劳动合同？公司留下skilled worker（待定？）

4、
1930年裁员的原因？经济大萧条，确实经济困难economy suffers difficult（确定）

5、
公司用临时工的目的？减少labor cost（注意此题有个minimum wage陷阱，确定）

6、
改恶题：1980年的layoff不能用作者的观点解释是因为？抓住作者第二段给的原因，取非

考古

7、
题２：细节题，说问中为什么客户无法specify 他们要的service product：选因为客户没有这方面的expertise

8、
题３：好像是作者态度题，选作者支持outsourcing

背景：经济滞涨时期，企业采取外包，节约成本。但是，带来问题，但是不违反劳动合同。

Outsourcing is when one company sells a part of their company to another. This usually happens when the company wants to save money. 省钱Outsourcing was first mainly seen in the early 1980’s during a time of stagflation滞涨, or a time where economic growth is slow, unemployment rates and inflation is high. Foreign competition in trade had steady rates compared to the United States market and had a cost advantage over American goods. Car companies, which were suffering greatly during this time, took a radical step and moved about ten factories out of Michigan to Mexico (2,5).

    This outraged愤怒的 the United Autoworkers Union (UAW) because American’s who worked in the factories that had been outsourced, were left jobless.  UAW negotiated with the car companies to keep the outsourcing of the parts division to overseas countries (2).

        The car factories use of outsourcing caught the eyes of other businesses: companies saw profit with the use of outsourcing. Soon after more and more companies began expand their companies in Mexico, on the Mexico-United states border.  Many American citizens failed to notice the outsourcing that was beginning to happen on the United States-Canadian border.  Outsourcing of film making was a common in the 1990’s, but also to the manufacturing of parts.  Canada’s trade with the United States began to increase and benefit, while American parts suppliers began to go bankrupt and lay off their workers (2).

This trend in outsourcing in the United States has been increasing steadily since its debut in the 1980’s, but now is being exposed to the average American.   Common jobs, such as calculating worker’s payrolls, can be found in overseas companies, that provide cheaper labor, then it would cost if an American laborer worked for the company in the United States (1).  Competition between companies is increasing, and companies that outsource have a great advantage over companies who only work within the United States territory.  The cutting of jobs in American businesses is becoming increasingly common, leaving healthy, skilled, and knowledgeable people to suffer as they look for the few available jobs in their area.  Companies take advantage of the cheap labor to allow their businesses to expand, which is the main reason that outsourcing continues to grow

Ivxiuer7801

书店

第一段：chain-store书店的大量出现，威胁了independent store个体户的生存。chain store的发展是考虑regional因素的，传统book-chain是不会针对 region的特点进行装修的。但是新的survey发现很多大型的连锁书店都开始有了地方特色，针对地方的文化或者气候进行装修举例，Washington和Oren州的bookstore多是weather原因，rain多；Alaska和Hawaii位置很偏地势偏远，进货难需要时间。然后又提到了Alaska和Hawaii的差别。（有题，待定？）大家以为chain store的大规模让小书店难做生意。但是发现其实chain store让independent bookstore更localized, regional,或有什么culture特色等

第二段：independent store面对竞争很struggle。避开竞争有自己的一套：寻找特定的顾客群体啦等等，它们的经营策略是避免head-on冲突，到chain store少的地方经营，或者专注于special market.
书店不光卖书，还搞book signing签售会等一系列活动。随着作者的national tour减少，这种在书店里的签名售书越来越普遍。（有题，待定？）

主旨：chain-store的大发展削弱了independent store，缺少diversity；但小店们为了struggle，搞得形式多样，效果也不错。

题目：

1、
全文定位：the passage suggests, at the time when it was written, which of the following is true下面哪种说法正确？（注意关注一段W和O两个洲；二段小店搞签售会的地方；选项和他们有关，关注作家不愿意做national touring）

2、
主旨题。

3、
文章内容against下面哪个选项（和原文信息不一致的）？

4、
下面哪个现象least possible？选的是作者在连锁书店进行national sign（定位最后一段偏后位子）

5、
Independent store的优势在于？
“Independent bookstores are very well connected to their communities.

6、
作者认为Chain-store XXXXX?

背景材料

Analysts say retail bookstore chains will cease to exist as we know them, underperforming stores will close and bookstore chains will be reduced to a few localized stores catering to specialized local needs.  

Bookstore chains must reduce their retail footprints in order to survive, according to Wahlstorm. He said that there is a high likelihood that Barnes & Noble like Borders will close underperforming stores in coming years.

To stay relevant bookstore chains would have to use their store space productively and find a market niche, according to Bishop.

“They can try to drive traffic and sales through the physical stores by means like adding cafes, establishing relationships with the local community, and offering exclusive or targeted products (B&N is making a big push toward its new educational toys & games department),” wrote Wahlstrom.（针对本地市场推出营销方案）

Maybe bookstore chains have a lesson to learn from smaller independent book stores that have dodged the online and e-books bullets by keeping unique selections of books and providing social space to their local communities.（地方的小书店和社区关系紧密） “Independent bookstores are very well connected to their communities. When you do that there will always be value for your bookstore,” said Lubeck. He said that bookstore chains should adopt this successful formula.

Ivxiuer7801

专利保护法

第一段：1995年美国提出一个商标（trademark）专利(patent)保护法案，但法律的条款provision在执行中有问题，说这个法案太宽泛，能以各种理由起诉不利于法官判。

第二段：2006年又通过了另一个法案，其中一个法更保守，能先剔除一些case，缩小了到法庭打官司的范围，法官就很喜欢（有题，是哪个法案待定？）

主旨：先后通过两个法案，一个执行有问题，另一个更保守，打官司前先踢掉一些case，省事法官更喜欢。

题目：

1、
主旨题。development（很绕，区分好哪个法案好，哪个不好，法官喜欢哪个）

2、
对比：法官为什么比较喜欢其中一个法案（为什么不喜欢旧法）？答案不一致：有说是新法预先剔除了case，所以法官喜欢；还有说公司喜欢，因为新的法filter掉很多不合适的case, 剩下的能打官司的基本都能打赢，而法官喜欢是认为新的法有good public sth. (对应原文提到旧法的 poor public sth)（待定？）大部分公司成为被告的官司要比做原告的官司多

3、
第一段有两句话被highlight，然后问两句话是什么关系？我选的是第一句是说一个法律的条目，第二句是举例印证别人是如何利用这些条目的。

4、
关键句是nonholder of the trademark 可以
在noncomercial情况下可以，记不太清了，大家一定注意第一段有个紧挨这的句子，会出细节题：第一句是解释这个法案，第二句貌似是illustration，反正我选的这个。

Ivxiuer7801

感谢fargone
提供

背景材料

我总结了一下，这个理论主要说的就是去掉行驶线、交通信号灯等交通规则的“提示物”，激发人们的自觉地自我约束行为，这样的交通管理效果更好。

Shared space is an urban design concept aimed at integrated use of public spaces.

Shared space removes the traditional segregation of motor vehicles, pedestrians and other road users. Conventional road priority management systems and devices such as
kerbs, lines, signs and signals are replaced with an integrated, people-oriented understanding of public space, such that walking, cycling, shopping and driving cars become integrated activities.

History

The term 'shared space' was used by Tim Pharoah to describe informal street layouts with no traffic demarcation (see for example "Traffic Calming Guidelines" published by Devon County Council, 1991). The shared space concept has been associated strongly with the work of
Hans Monderman, based on the observation that individuals' behaviour intraffic is more positively affected by the built environment of the public space than it is by conventional traffic control devices and regulations.

The goal of shared space is an improvement in road safety, encouraging negotiation of shared areas at appropriate speeds and with due consideration for the other users, using simple rules like giving way to the right. The term shared space should probably not be too closely defined, since there is wide scope for varying the design concept.

Safety, congestion, economic vitality and community severance can be effectively tackled in streets and other public spaces if they are designed and managed to allow traffic to be fully integrated with other human activity, not separated from it. A major characteristic of a street designed to this philosophy is the absence of traditional road markings, signs, traffic signals and the distinction between "road" and "pavement". User behaviour becomes influenced and controlled by natural human interactions rather than by artificial regulation.

Monderman is quoted as saying: "We're losing our capacity for socially responsible behaviour, ...The greater the number of prescriptions, the more people's sense of personal responsibility dwindles."  Another source attributes the following to Monderman: "When you don't exactly know who has right of way, you tend to seek eye contact with other road users... You automatically reduce your speed, you have contact with other people and you take greater care."

这个理论主要说的就是去掉行驶线、交通信号灯等交通规则的“提示物”，激发人们的自觉地自我约束行为，这样的交通管理效果更好。但是这个理论也有人质疑，主要两

个原因：一是觉得残疾人不方便；二是很多骑车的人觉得不安全