Board logo

标题: 6月3日换题库了——6月GMAT阅读RC个人整理版 [打印本页]

作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:05     标题: 6月3日换题库了——6月GMAT阅读RC个人整理版


        
人文科学类

111 成本控制法
解释一下:这是一个经典的案例,用来解释ABC这种成分分析理论。考试的时候不一定是这个文章,但说的应该就是这么个事情,要弄清楚:
1.旧的理论和ABC比起来有什么不足
2.pen company的例子说明了什么问题
大家把它当做一道RC题来看就好
V1 by tracy175
第一篇目前就想起一片介绍一个成本控制法,貌似说了它的不足之处.

第二段开始,举例:两家造笔厂 生产相同数量的笔 ,一家全生产蓝笔 ,一家分别生产蓝 绿(貌似吧)三种颜色的笔 然后他们的成本不同. 最后说了一下不同的原因.
题目有in order to 有问你举出造笔厂这个例子是干啥的


还有一些细节题

问如果按照actual cost来定价,结果会怎样?
选项有1.蓝笔会获得less profit2.粉笔会获得less profit3,所有笔都会获得less profit4,所有笔的profit都不变。
思路: 因为蓝的分摊了其他颜色的高成本, 使蓝的Accounting cost 上升.
蓝的Actual cost (在没有分摊成本前是) Accounting cost
.
所以蓝的Actual profit accouting profit
.
成本控制法,这篇我记得很清楚,来给大家详细补充一下。全文超长,两屏左右,5段,不过没有

              什么特别难的单词,所以其实并不难,感觉读起来像4,6级文章的感觉= =
第一段说过去的企业生产的产品比较少,计算单位成本就相对容易,而现在的企业生产的产品种类很多,过去计算单位成本的方法就有点过时了。

二到五段全部都在讲那个造笔厂的例子。
说有两个制造bollpencil的企业,A企业生产了10000支蓝笔,B企业生产1000支蓝笔,5000支粉色笔,和4000支其他颜色的笔,数字可能记混了,不过不影响。这样两家企业都生产10000支笔。
两家生产每支笔的劳动,机械成本都是相同的,但B企业是一种劳动分工,所以cost肯定要高一些,所以用过去的成本计算法计算的话,B企业的单位成本要高于A,但实际上呢,两家企业生产每一支蓝笔的cost肯定是一样的。
B的成本高了,所以B的定价肯定也要高于AA因为价格比较低所以有了竞争优势,B就被迫将蓝笔降价出售,这样就造成了蓝笔的profit肯定不如其他颜色的笔,而B为了应对这个局面,放弃生产蓝笔,而去生产成本高于蓝笔的其他颜色的笔,从而造成了额外的负担。
洋洋洒洒地说了这么一大堆,也不知道大家看懂没有= =
问题有一个问举造笔厂的例子干嘛,我选的是说明了这种成本计算法的缺陷和不足

还有一个问题,是个infer题,问的是如果按照actual cost来定价,结果会怎样?
选项有1.蓝笔会获得less profit2.粉笔会获得less profit3,所有笔都会获得less profit4,所有笔的profit都不变。
我选的是第一个,不过这个题目我不太懂,很不确定,请大家自己思考哈!
(这就是为什么文末提到 由于提高profit的原因而把 蓝的 production 完全去掉是不对的.)
ABC成本法

百科名片ABC成本法是根据事物的经济
、技术等方面的主要特征,运用数理统计方法,进行统计、排列和分析,抓住主要矛盾,分清重点与一般,从而有区别地采取管理方式的一种定量管理方法。


又称巴雷托分析法、主次因分析法 ABC分析法、分类管理法、重点管理法。它以某一具体事项为对象,进行数量分析,以该对象各个组成部分与总体的比重为依据,按比重大小的顺序排列,并根据一定的比重或累计比重标准,将各组成部分分为ABC3类,A类是管理的重点,B类是次重点,C类是一般 ABC管理法的原理是按巴雷托曲线所示意的主次关系进行分类管理。广泛应用于工业、商业、物资、人口及社会学等领域,以及物资管理、质量管理、价值分析、成本管理、资金管理、生产管理等许多方面。它的特点是既能集中精力抓住重点问题进行管理,又能兼顾一般问题,从而做到用最少的人力、物力、财力实现最好的经济效益。   ABC管理法的主要程序是:收集数据,列出相关元素统计表。统计汇总和整理。进行分类,编制ABC分析表。绘制ABC分析图。根据分类,确定分类管理方式,并组织实施。


作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:05

1.1.2 copyright (原文)
     This development, however, has a major downside: companies owning massive amounts of copyrighted works can, at their whim(突发奇想), ban weaker cultural activities – not only from the marketplace, but also from the general audience's attention. This is happening under our very eyes. It is nigh(接近) impossible to ignore the blockbuster (重磅炸弹,了不起的人)movies, bestselling books and top–chart records presented to us by these cultural molochs, who, incidentally, own almost every imaginable right to these works. As a result, most people are completely unaware of all those other, less commercialized activities taking place in music, literature, cinema, theater and other arts. This is a tremendous loss to society, because our democratic(民主的) world can only truly thrive on a large diversity of freely expressed and discussed cultural expressions.
      Contrary to what one might expect, the seemingly endless possibilities of copying and sampling using modern digital technologies have so far only aggravated the situation. Publicly offering even a mere second's worth of copyrighted work will almost certainly attract attention from lawyers on behalf of the "owners" of said material. Sound artists, who used to freely sample work from others to build new musical creations, are now treated as pirates and criminals. Whole copyright enforcement industries have emerged, scouting the digital universe day and night for even the smallest snippet(片段) of copyrighted work used by others – and those found out, often stand to lose literally everything they have.Copyright has yet another intrinsic fault which makes it difficult to maintain in a democratic society. Copyright nowadays revolves almost exclusively around so–called intellectual property(知识产权). This is a problem, since the traditional notion of property is largely irreconcilable with intangible(无形的) concepts such as knowledge and creativity; a tune, an idea or an invention will not lose any of its value or usefulness when it is shared among any number of people. In contrast, a single physical object, such as a chair, quickly becomes less useful when more people want access to it; in this latter case, the term "property" has a clear meaning and purpose. Unfortunately, in the past decades the legal definition of property has been extended way beyond any physical constraints. These days, almost anything can be someone's property, such as fragrances and colors; even the makeup of the proteins in our blood and the genes in our body cells are being claimed as the exclusive property of one company or another, which can subsequently bar anyone else from using it. It is therefore high time to reconsider the current concept of property.
With regard to artistic works, it is quite conceivable that no single person should have the right to claim exclusive ownership over, say, a particular tune. We all know that almost every work of art, and every invention, is based upon the work of predecessors. Now this doesn't mean we should have less respect for artists creating new works of art based on the work of others, and we're obliged to contribute to artists' well–being and income in our society. Yet rewarding their every single achievement, or reproduction or even interpretation thereof, with a monopoly lasting many decades, is too much, because it leaves nothing for other artists to build on. In fact, even criticizing the artist's work can become rather hazardous, as it "damages" his "property". Unpleasant as this may sound, things get even worse when we consider that the vast majority of copyrighted works is owned by a relatively small group of large conglomerates. These mega–industries create, invent or produce nothing at all, yet demand that artists sign over all rights to their works to them, just for the privilege of having their works distributed. From this point of view, there is ample(足够的) reason to send our current system of copyright to the scrapheap. Artists will of course feel threatened by such a bold move. After all, without copyright, they will lose all means of existence, now won't they? Well, not necessarily. Let's first look at some numbers. Research by economists shows that only 10 percent of artists collect 90 percent of copyright proceeds(收入), and that the remaining 90 percent of artists must share the remaining 10 percent of proceeds. In other words: for the vast majority of artists, copyright has only marginal financial advantages. Then there's another peculiar fact: most artists have entered into some sort of covenant with the cultural industry – as if these two groups have even remotely similar interests! For example GEMA, the German copyright organization, sends approximately 70 percent of copyright proceeds abroad, mostly to the US, where several of the world's biggest cultural conglomerates(企业集团) reside. In this process, the average artist is nowhere to be seen.
考题:
1)under which circumstance will the international copyright system be less likely to hinder。。。
2)关于tune的,以下哪种说法正确?lz选的答案貌似是和效用有关的,就是把chair的特点反过来说
3)问mega-company导致了什么?lz选的答案好像与小众idea有关
4)主旨题
5)专利权,有个椅子和旋律的对比(有出题,往前找),还有就是批评大公司垄断专利(有两三道都是围绕这一论点来写的)。

第一段说,大部分的copyright集中于mega-company,它垄断了distribution networks,使得一些小众的东东不能出现在市面上,让市场的音乐都很单调。市场被同化,都是些大片等主流的东西,人们不能接触到小众的idea.
第二段说,这个copyright system有intrinsic缺陷。关于property. 对比了tune和chair, 说more access to a tune不会降低其效用,但是physical item比如chair,用的人多了,则会降低效用。
第三段接着第二段的chair 和tune, 继续解释。一小部分公司占了大部分得版权。artist创作往往是要借鉴他人的东西,而借鉴多少算侵犯别人的copyright很难界定。所以copyright system会阻碍艺术的发展......最后说,现在的copyright system是不合理的。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:05

1.1.3 企业文化
公司的multinational和multicultural multinational.全文主要意思是说,multinational的advatage在于reduce cost,而multicuturald可以聚集local knowledge in different divisions。
说现在很多企业都是multinational,然后解释了一下,multinational的意思就是说,企业在一个nation建一个总部,其他分部的建立只是为了能够找到更便宜的worker。但有些企业在考虑转化为multicultural multinational,multicultural multinational的意思是说,每个地方的分部都是有其地方特色的,要听取每个地方的员工的建议,而不像multinational那样过度中央集权。但它的劣势显然就是成本太高了,因为要有地方特色的嘛。解决成本太高的问题是可以通过建立world standard来解决。最后说所以现在很多企业都面临这这样一个controversy problem, 绝大多数只能做到其中的一点,而做不到两者。
题目:问controversy problem高亮,问的是你infer可以怎么解决这个controversy problem
我选的是实行multicultural multinational但不使用world standard。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:06

1.1.4建筑技术----新老观点对比题
   
第一段:Hawaii的temple一个xx特征让科学家相信它们是比之前认为的建造的更快,社会历史文化变化比之前预想要快的(有题)
第二段:科学家通过元素追踪的技术来研究建庙用的珊瑚来验证他们的想法,这些新的数据与他们原来的设想的是相符合的(consistent)(有题) 证实了他们的猜想
问题:1.主旨题
      2.珊瑚的作用:Ornamentally.(装饰品)
      3.发现了什么:比之前的预想要快
      4.新的数据与原来的设想是相符合的,证明了猜想。
Pihanakalani heiau in Wailuku, Maui, one of the oldest Hawaiian temples on the island, is believed to have been built in the 13th century. but using modern radiocarbon-dating techniques, anthropologist Michael Kolb of Northern Illinois University said he has determined the ancient temple was erected in the early 13th century, at the start of a 500-year span of heiau construction that peaked during times of great political and social change.(通过碳检测得知古神坛是早于13世纪修建的,且在政治和社会改变的时候达到高峰。)
    Pilana:His research indicates the temple was renovated at least seven times, a common practice as new chiefs came into power.Oftentimes they wouldn't build new ones, but go in and modify and adds wings to existing temples.(每当新得酋长到来,就重新修饰)
      Kirch :many major Hawaiian temples on Maui were built within a 30-year span coinciding with Pi'ilani's rise to power.
      Most of the coral samples used in Kirch's research were taken from the surface of heiau and may not reflect the period of original construction, Kolb said, since materials were recycled during subsequent alterations. (珊瑚来自神坛的外表用于装饰,不能真正反应建筑时间)
      In response, Kirch said that his research did not claim that no heiau were built before the late 1500s and 1600s, but rather that the period was a rapid phase of temple construction, which he said is in "good agreement" with Kolb's findings.
       政权交替和temple的重建,用珊瑚同位素可以证明
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:06

1.1.5 改善交通理论(原文)

Freedom for traffic
      An unassuming Dutch traffic engineer showed that streets without signs can be safer than roads cluttered with arrows, painted lines, and lights.  And Monderman certainly changed the landscape in the provincial city of Drachten, with the project that, in 2001, made his name. At the town center, in a crowded four-way intersection called the Laweiplein, Monderman removed not only the traffic lights but virtually every other traffic control. Instead of a space cluttered with poles, lights, “traffic islands,” and restrictive arrows, Monderman installed a radical kind of roundabout (a “squareabout,” in his words, because it really seemed more a town square than a traditional roundabout), marked only by a raised circle of grass in the middle, several fountains, and some very discreet indicators of the direction of traffic, which were required by law.
     As I watched the intricate social ballet that occurred as cars and bikes slowed to enter the circle (pedestrians were meant to cross at crosswalks placed a bit before the intersection), Monderman performed a favorite trick. He walked, backward and with eyes closed, into the Laweiplein. The traffic made its way around him. No one honked, he wasn’t struck. Instead of a binary, mechanistic process—stop, go—the movement of traffic and pedestrians in the circle felt human and organic. (M自己闭上眼睛,倒走到他设计的路中间,结果并没有像在普通道路上一样——所有的车刹车再启动,而是车辆依然有序行驶。)
      A year after the change, the results of this “extreme makeover” were striking: Not only had congestion decreased in the intersection—buses spent less time waiting to get through, for example—but there were half as many accidents, even though total car traffic was up by a third. Students from a local engineering college who studied the intersection reported that both drivers and, unusually, cyclists were using signals—of the electronic or hand variety—more often. They also found, in surveys, that residents, despite the measurable increase in safety, perceived the place to be more dangerous. This was music to Monderman’s ears. If they had not felt less secure, he said, he “would have changed it immediately.”(实验一年后的结果:拥挤减少、事故减少)
      Monderman believed that the best way to change people’s behavior was to change the context. This simple insight was one of the foundations of his traffic revolution, which took root a decade before he remade Drachten. In the mid-1980s,   Monderman, then a regional safety inspector for Friesland, was dispatched to the small village of Oudehaske to check the speed of car traffic through the town’s center (two children had been fatally struck). Previously, Monderman, like any good Dutch traffic engineer, would have deployed, if not an actual traffic light, the tools of what is known as “traffic calming”: speed bumps, warning signs, bollards, or any number of highly visible interventions.(交代了背景:作为交通安全官员,M被发配到一个小村里去检测城镇中心的车速。按常理,控制车速的手段不外乎装红绿灯、减速带等)
     But those solutions were falling out of favor with his superiors, because they were either ineffective or too expensive. (但是M觉得在这个town,既没有必要也太贵。)At a loss, Monderman suggested to the villagers, who as it happens had hired a consultant to help improve the town’s aesthetics, that Oudehaske simply be made to seem more “villagelike.” The interventions were subtle. (正评价)Signs were removed, curbs torn out, and the asphalt replaced with red paving brick, with two gray “gutters” on either side that were slightly curved but usable by cars. As Monderman noted, the road looked only five meters wide, “but had all the possibilities of six.”The results were striking. Without bumps or flashing warning signs, drivers slowed, so much so that Monderman’s radar gun could not even register their speeds. 通过这种改进(把town改造的更villagelike,车速都自然降低了,雷达都检测不到)Rather than clarity and segregation, he had created confusion and ambiguity. (注意这段:因为他的方法制造了一种错觉,司机不知道哪条是他该走的路,所以开车不会很莽撞)Unsure of what space belonged to them, drivers became more accommodating. Rather than give drivers a simple behavioral mandate—say, a speed limit sign or a speed bump—he had, through the new road design, subtly suggested the proper course of action. And he did something else. He used context to change behaviour.(用观念改变行为 )He had made the main road look like a narrow lane in a village, not simply a traffic-way through some anonymous town.
1. JJ中提到的在第一个城市中实施的一系列措施对城市有什么改善(选项有:
A. make the moving traffic quicker
B. reduce the number or the severity of the accidents
2.    那道两个城市中的共同点:其实两个地方的措施是不一样的。第一个城市是在一个中心建立roundabout island,第二个是说把道路建的更加village like。只有一点是相同的,就是这个人设计的理念。He used context to change behaviour.(用观念改变行为)
3.    这个人的措施作用(我貌似选了让大家更cooperative,不确定)
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:07

[attach]12112[/attach]
[attach]12113[/attach]
题目:
      1.公交车是怎么样的?
      2.M在实施理论前做了很多东西,学了很多理论
      3.问提到这两个confusion和ambiguity是要干嘛?M改造让这个城市变得village like
      4.第三段的作用:give a summary of ..../ 解释one of change的意图 ?
      5.两个城市的案例有什么相似之处:
A和B都关于移除,一个是交通灯一个是其他信号标志吧,C是说都以提高行车速度为目标,E是都造成了行人和司机们彼此 more consideration 的效果
       6.关键在于改变人们的时间观念He used context to change behaviour.(用观念改变行为 )
补充材料:Shared space is an urban design concept aimed at integrated use of public spaces.
Shared space removes the traditional segregation of motor vehicles, pedestrians and other road users. Conventional road priority management systems and devices such as kerbs, lines, signs and signals are replaced with an integrated, people-oriented understanding of public space, such that walking, cycling, shopping and driving cars become integrated activities.
History
The term 'shared space' was used by Tim Pharoah to describe informal street layouts with no traffic demarcation (see for example "Traffic Calming Guidelines" published by Devon County Council, 1991). The shared space concept has been associated strongly with the work of Hans Monderman, based on the observation that individuals' behaviour intraffic is more positively affected by the built environment of the public space than it is by conventional traffic control devices and regulations.
The goal of shared space is an improvement in road safety, encouraging negotiation of shared areas at appropriate speeds and with due consideration for the other users, using simple rules like giving way to the right. The term shared space should probably not be too closely defined, since there is wide scope for varying the design concept.
Safety, congestion, economic vitality and community severance can be effectively tackled in streets and other public spaces if they are designed and managed to allow traffic to be fully integrated with other human activity, not separated from it. A major characteristic of a street designed to this philosophy is the absence of traditional road markings, signs, traffic signals and the distinction between "road" and "pavement". User behaviour becomes influenced and controlled by natural human interactions rather than by artificial regulation.
Monderman is quoted as saying: "We're losing our capacity for socially responsible behaviour, ...The greater the number of prescriptions, the more people's sense of personal responsibility dwindles."  Another source attributes the following to Monderman: "When you don't exactly know who has right of way, you tend to seek eye contact with other road users... You automatically reduce your speed, you have contact with other people and you take greater care."
     Sum:这个理论主要说的就是去掉行驶线、交通信号灯等交通规则的“提示物”,激发人们的自觉地自我约束行为,这样的交通管理效果更好。但是这个理论也有人质疑,主要两
个原因:一是觉得残疾人不方便;二是很多骑车的人觉得不安全
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:07

1.1.6 专利保护法
关于美国1995年和2006年的两个关于trademark还是patent的专利保护法案的,就一个F法案通过了以后怎样怎样保护专利所有人,但是说这个法案不利于法官判,后来又有个更保守T法案通过了,能先剔除一些case先缩小了到法庭打官司的范围,然后judges就很高兴。

词汇:Trademark 、patent、 conservative

Federal Trademark Dilution Act of 1995
Trademark Dilution Revision Act of 2006 (TDRA)
Trademark dilution theory 商标稀释理论is one of the most contentious aspects of trademark law.Although Congress enacted the Federal Trademark Dilution Act (“FTDA”) in 1996, courts struggle to interpret the statutory language.The definition of dilution is unclear, and the appropriate standard for injunctive relief is hotly contested.激辩申请禁止侵权
    Additionally, no uniform framework for litigating dilution claims exists.The Supreme Court’s 2003 edict on trademark dilution in Moseley v. V Secret Catalogue, Inc. did little to quell disputes because the Court only addressed the standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.Recently, in response  to the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the FTDA in  Moseley, Congress proposed an overhaul of the trademark anti-dilution law.Presently, Congress appears close to enacting the Trademark Dilution Revision Act of 2006 (“TDRA”).
    This note evaluates whether  the proposed TDRA provides beneficial alternatives to the  current definition of dilution, methodologies for analyzing claims, and standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.  Part I provides an overview of trademark law and historical highlights of trademark dilution, including the emergence of blurring and tarnishment theories.  Part II  investigates the inherent weaknesses of the FTDA definition of dilution, explores courts’various methodologies for  analysis of dilution claims, and explains the interpretations of the standard of harm necessary for injunctive relief.  Part III explains the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the FTDA and identifies statutory language changes made by the TDRA in the three areas of dilution law explored in Part II.  Part IV discusses the prospective impact  of the TDRA in the three areas highlighted in Part II.  Part  V concludes the TDRA effectively addresses the need for a clear definition of dilution and analytical framework, and presents a pragmatic standard for injunctive relief.
      Until 2006, the FTDA was distinguished from most state trademark dilution laws in several ways: (1) The FTDA protects only "famous" trademarks; most state statutes do not explicitly require trademarks to be "famous" to be protected against dilution. (2) The FTDA, as interpreted by the Supreme Court, protected only against "actual" dilution of a trademark, whereas most state statutes provided trademark owners with a remedy whenever they could show a "likelihood" of dilution. (3) The Supreme Court suggested (although it did not have occasion to hold) that the FTDA protected only against dilution by "blurring" and not against dilution by "tarnishment" (see below).
Amendments to the FTDA took effect on October 6, 2006. The Act still protects only famous marks. However, Congress amended the act so that it expressly provides protection against a use of a mark that is "likely" to cause dilution. The new statute thus eliminates the requirement of proving "actual dilution."新的法案不要求提供actual dilution的证据,因此变得容易

问题:  
1、主旨题
2、法官为何喜欢修改过的法案,对于dilution的释义更明确
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:08

1.1.7 书店
第一段说,chain store的大量涌现使得independent store不能生存,减少了regional difference. 然而,chain store的发展是考虑regional因素的,比如geography,economy等等。举例,先是washington以及O打头的一个州,说这两个地方bookstore多是weather原因,rain多;然后说Alaska和Hawaii,地势偏远,进货难需要时间。然后又提到了Alaska和Hawaii的差别。
第二段说,independent store并没有完全消失,它们的经营策略是避免head-on冲突,到chain store少的地方经营,或者专注于special market. 书店不光卖书,还搞book signing等一系列活动。随着作者的national tour减少,这种在书店里的签名售书越来越普遍。
      Analysts say retail bookstore chains will cease to exist as we know them, underperforming stores will close and bookstore chains will be reduced to a few localized stores catering to specialized local needs.  
      Bookstore chains must reduce their retail footprints in order to survive, according to Wahlstorm.  He said that there is a high likelihood that Barnes & Noble like Borders will close underperforming stores in coming years.
      To stay relevant bookstore chains would have to use their store space productively and find a market niche, according to Bishop.
     “They can try to drive traffic and sales through the physical stores by means like adding cafes, establishing relationships with the local community, and offering exclusive or targeted products (B&N is making a big push toward its new educational toys & games department),” wrote Wahlstrom.(针对本地市场推出营销方案)
      Maybe bookstore chains have a lesson to learn from smaller independent book stores that have dodged the online and e-books bullets by keeping unique selections of books and providing social space to their local communities.(地方的小书店和社区关系紧密) “Independent bookstores are very well connected to their communities. When you do that there will always be value for your bookstore,” said Lubeck. He said that bookstore chains should adopt this successful formula.

题目:
1.the passage suggests, at the time when it was written, which of the following is true?答案选项两个是关于W和O这两个州的,三个是throughout the United States. lz选的是national tour is
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:08

1.1.8 外包服务
第一段: 1980年之后,美国公司大量裁人,但单位生产率并未提升,产出并没有下降;分析了不是高科技运用提高了生产率,另有原因。
第二段: 原因是大量业务外包,因为公司追求更少的人工成本,因为除了不用支付更多的工资,也不用支付那么多福利。同时公司做法并不违反劳工合同,因为skilled employee公司会继续留用。

背景:经济滞涨时期,企业采取外包,节约成本。但是,带来问题,但是不违反劳动合同。  
    Outsourcing is when one company sells a part of their company to another. This usually happens when the company wants to save money. Outsourcing was first mainly seen in the early 1980’s during a time of stagflation滞涨, or a time where economic growth is slow, unemployment rates and inflation is high.  Foreign competition in trade had steady rates compared to the United States market and had a cost advantage over American goods. Car companies, which were suffering greatly during this time, took a radical step and moved about ten factories out of Michigan to Mexico (2,5).(外包服务发生在滞涨时期,由于公司为了节约成本而产生)
        This outraged愤慨,暴行 the United Autoworkers Union (UAW) because American’s who worked in the factories that had been outsourced, were left jobless.  UAW negotiated with the car companies to keep the outsourcing of the parts division to overseas countries . The car factories use of outsourcing caught the eyes of other businesses: companies saw profit with the use of outsourcing. Soon after more and more companies began expand their companies in Mexico, on the Mexico-United states border.  Many American citizens failed to notice the outsourcing that was beginning to happen on the United States-Canadian border.  Outsourcing of filmmaking was a common in the 1990’s, but also to the manufacturing of parts.  Canada’s trade with the United States began to increase and benefit, while American parts suppliers began to go bankrupt and lay off their workers .(UAW不满这样的外包行为而商议,汽车公司将其余部分业务外包到墨西哥和加拿大边界上,加拿大的贸易量和利润上升而与此同时美国的部分供应商倒闭,工人失业).
This trend in outsourcing in the United States has been increasing steadily since its debut in the 1980’s, but now is being exposed to the average American.   Common jobs, such as calculating worker’s payrolls, can be found in overseas companies, that provide cheaper labor, then it would cost if an American laborer worked for the company in the United States .  Competition between companies is increasing, and companies that outsource have a great advantage over companies who only work within the United States territory.  The cutting of jobs in American businesses is becoming increasingly common, leaving healthy, skilled, and knowledgeable people to suffer as they look for the few available jobs in their area.  Companies take advantage of the cheap labor to allow their businesses to expand, which is the main reason that outsourcing continues to grow

题目:
1.主旨题
2.问为什么要外包,选降低人工成本。
3.问为什么说不违反劳工合同。
4.1930年的裁员是不是因为二战的影响——经济大萧条时期
    5.1980年萧条,确实经济困难(有考点),所以裁员;1993年,外包裁员,降低labor cost是实质(有考点)。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:09

1.1.9 女性受男性影响 (原文)
Guardianship(保护,监护) over women in medieval Flanders: a reappraisal(重新评估)


    Recent debates in premodern women's history have focused on women's social and legal position. The greatest contention(论点) appears to center on the particular systems or conditions that most consistently determined women's social status and the scope of their activity. Judith Bennett, for example, argues that patriarchy(父系社会) is the defining system, while Bridget Hill maintains that economic factors are at least equally important.(1) Neither, however, questions the assumption that women's status was somehow essentially inferior to that of men.(2) Female inferiority is perhaps most clearly expressed in the automatic guardianship of men over women, and not surprisingly, guardianship over women looms large(显得突出) in most studies of secular(现世的) women.(3) When a society is deemed patriarchal, there is, in fact, a strong tendency to assume that constraints(约束) on women's activities exemplify(证实) guardianship, or at least reflect an underlying tendency in that direction. It is nevertheless important to avoid any reflexive equation of patriarchy with guardianship over women.
第一段作者反驳了两个观点:父系社会对妇女地位的影响因素,还有经济因素对妇女地位的影响。
并且提出了自己的观点:以上两种观点都忽略了一个前提,那就是男性自动自发的监护、保护成为了女人地位低于并且依附于男人的因素。

   This assumption may well underlie two of the principal studies of the social history of medieval Flanders, both of which are predicated on(以...作为基础) the existence of guardianship over women. In The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children and the Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent, David Nicholas states "[m]ost women had legal personalities only through male guardians. The guardian's consent was implied even if he was not present to speak for her. The guardian of a single woman was normally her father or failing him a brother or uncle. Her husband assumed legal responsibility for her when she married."(4) A few pages later he reiterates that "single adult women were normally under the guardianship of their fathers or brothers, with tutelage (监护)reverting more generally to the kindred(亲属) if males of the conjugal(结婚的) family were dead or incompetent."(5)妇女的法律人格要通过男性监护来体现。而其本身无独立法律地位。
这一段说的是:第一段的新观点成为了两个中世纪Flanders的社会的理论研究的基础。这两个理论研究都是以guardianship作为基础的。他们得到了一个人(DN)的支持和验证。

    Nicholas's work, however, is seriously flawed. In the first place, he documents only the sentence ending "through male guardians;" the rest of his statements lack citation.(引证)(匹配jj,缺乏documentation文献材料) He provides no bibliography(参考文献), and a search through his notes reveals that he did not look very far beyond the holdings of the city archives(档案) in Ghent. Although his introduction provides an overview of the historiography(编史) on European women's history in general, it is most notable for the absence of the works of Flemish scholars on this subject. While one can hardly fault him for omitting reference to works of contemporary scholars such as that of Marianne Danneel,(6) his neglect of the work of Philippe Godding, of E. M. Meijers, and particularly of Jean Gilissen, a leading legal historian in the field, is incomprehensible(令人费解的).)
第三段是说DN的理论缺乏必要的根据。表现在他没有参考同时代Flemish人(Flander地方的人)的一些文献材料与观点。他的研究也没有跳出Ghent这个地方的局限。)缺乏文献支持male guardians的观点

     In the second place, his one note refers the reader not to legal texts, but instead to W. van Iterson's Vrouwenvoogdij ("Guardianship over Women").(8) Despite its title, however, Iterson's work does not confirm Nicholas's claims. For one thing, the focus of Iterson's work is the northern, not the southern Low Countries.(9) Secondly, a majority of the evidence Iterson cites comes from the fifteenth, not the fourteenth century. Thirdly, Iterson's stated focus is not all women, but only unmarried ones.(10) Finally, Iterson's conclusions are actually contrary to those of Nicholas; he states unequivocally(明确的), in fact, that "there are no traces of a general fixed guardianship over an unmarried woman who has attained her majority."(11) He maintains instead that incidences of guardianship over single women in the northern Low Countries are, in fact, ad hoc(特别的) in nature.(12)(I的主张与N不同,不是确认N的结果)
第四段作者继续说DN的理论缺陷。因为DN只是参照了Iterson的观点,但是Iterson的观点除了书名外与DN的都不一致。表现在以下四个方面:Iterson着重的是北方的城市,证据来源于15世纪而不是14世纪,他只着重研究未婚妇女,第四,Iterson书中的观点与DN相对,他说guardianship对于独身女性来说是很特别的,也很难追溯。

There are reasons for Nicholas's difficulty in finding adequate documentation for his claims. The conditions he outlines echo those associated primarily with Roman law,(13) but Roman law, as Philippe Godding had abundantly demonstrated, had a negligible(微不足道的) impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century.(14) Furthermore, no item or provision(条款) in any keure (customary law of a community) directly addressed the issue of guardianship over women, and only one so much as implied a belief in womanly weakness that might, by extension, be taken to have necessitated guardianship.(15) Since guardianship over women, married or not, finds no expression in law codes, it must instead be deduced from(从...得出结论) practice.(16) Godding, the author of Le droit prive dans les Pays-Bas meridionaux du 12e au 18e siecle, readily acknowledges this state of affairs, but he, like Nicholas, assumes that some sort of a system of guardianship over women was in place; Godding does caution, to be sure, that actual practice was far from uniform.(17)
第五段说DN的理论难以得到文献的支撑的原因有二:第一,他的理论条件来源于当地的一部法律,但是这个法律在15世纪前,对Flander的人来说微不足道。第二, 法律中也并没有明确说明监护女人的这一条,只是说了句女人是弱者,因此可能需要必要的保护。所以DN的理论是从实践中而不是法律条文中得出的。
另外,本段也提到了另一个作家Godding,下个段落会详细说他。

   Guardianship is not the principal focus of either work, and neither scholar spends a great deal of time proving its existence. Although much of the rest of his analysis is predicated on guardianship over women, it is enough for Nicholas to have asserted its existence. He may have assumed, in fact, that since Flemish society was patriarchal, women must have been under some form of guardianship. Occasions when men act with women simply serve to confirm such an assumption. Godding is far more judicious(明智的), providing one or two examples that might be considered to reflect guardianship within the context of a forthright discussion of the likelihood of its existence. At least upon one occasion, however, his evidence does not bear out(支撑) his conclusion. He claims, for example, that women in Lille were prohibited from judging men. The basis for this assertion is chapter 43 of the Lillois custumal. Chapter 43 states that men will judge men; it is easy to see how Godding arrived at the conclusion that women will not judge men. But the item also states that women will judge women. If one consistently applies the logic of Godding's own argument, this means that just as women are incapable of judging men, men are incapable of judging women hardly an indication of guardianship over women.(18)
这一段说的是DN他假设Flander是父系社会,女人要受男人保护。Godding显然要更明智,因为他提供了例子而不是假设。但是他的例子中起码有一个也是不能支撑他的观点的。(就是他说女人不能审判男人的那个例子,但是他曲解了引用原文的意思,所以不对)

     Our thesis, in contrast to the above, is relatively straightforward: that the lack of legal texts specifically addressing guardianship over women simply reflects the absence of any such systematic practice – that patriarchy, at least in medieval Flanders, did not necessarily imply guardianship over women. 新观点 If guardianship over women was not uniform, then any particular instances of it were probably ad hoc in nature, as Iterson suggests, and not systematic. An examination of constraints on bodily integrity, on the possession and disposal of property, on women's position within the family, on employment, and on public participation reveals, in fact, that men did not act for women in any systematic fashion. It also reveals not only that men were not economically responsible for women but also that they did not have to act for them in public. The pairing of women with men in the documents was, with one exception, not a reflection of the demands of guardianship but rather an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted. The exception has to do with land held in feudal tenure.(19) Women participating in transactions involving fiefs were always represented by some man, acting as either guardian or advocate. Flanders was hardly feudal, however, and it would certainly be inappropriate to generalize the requirements pertinent to this one system of land tenure to cover all instances of female activity.
这一段提出了作者的新观点:缺乏文献支撑的男人保护女人的观点显然表明了现实中这种保护不存在普遍性。事实上男人也确实不会保护女人或在经济上对其负责。其实男人与女人的关系不是保护与被保护,而是两者作为一个合作共体的表现。

     The focus of this study is explicitly on secular women. Since urban areas left more records than did rural ones, the study centers primarily though not exclusively on women living in the major Flemish towns: Bruges, Douai, Ghent, Lille, and Ypres. The reason for leaving religious women out of the picture, even though the degree to which they exercised particularly local authority contributes significantly to our understanding of Flemish women's historical experience as a whole, is that they lived, for the most part, under quite distinct legal and social conditions. The exception, of course, was the beguines, who were neither fish (avowed) nor fowl (secular women). To include them would make this essay far too long; moreover, a large number of studies already focus on them.(20)
最后一段是说DN的研究主要在世俗妇女上,并且并不只研究生活在大城镇的妇女。另外,他也没有包括宗教女性,因为她们生活在一个非常不同的法律和社会环境中。

题目:观点绕的挺多。大家注意它举的例子。我考的题目几乎全是例子的细节题。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:09

1.2.1   boater(原文)
   关于boater的,有一个景点1985年的人比1975年的人多了很多,但是调查下来却发现旅游者并没有觉得很拥挤,然后举例分析了原因是因为旅游者们的preference什么的有改变
Crowding and carrying capacity research has been dominated by cross-sectional studies. Researchers have modeled the impact of visitor use on the quality of the outdoor recreation experience by measuring social conditions (use levels and encounters with others), psychological conditions (evaluation of encounters and perceived crowding), and social psychological conditions (encounter expectations and preferences). From these measures, one can aggregate visitor responses into a normative standard for "appropriate" use levels that can help resource managers set visitor use policy.
      his study incorporates time into an analysis of crowding and carrying capacity to investigate how change affects visitor evaluations and experiences. The analysis employed three cross-sectional surveys of boaters to the Apostle Islands National Lakeshore in Wisconsin over a 22-year period, beginning in 1975 and each administered approximately 10 years apart.
       This framework assumed that perceived crowding is an expression of individual judgment and socially shared norms about "appropriate" density at a given site and at a given time.也就是说,挤不挤,感觉说了算 How crowded people feel depends, in part, on the expectations and preferences they bring to a recreation site. People may feel more crowded if they expect a low number of encounters but see more people than they expected. Moreover, based on these evaluative criteria, the individual may not feel crowded or evaluate the experience negatively until visitor encounters reach some threshold number.
      This normative approach, however, is problematic in cross-sectional crowding frameworks because visitors may change over time. Time related issues of change were recognized in the early 1970s during the planning stages of early carrying capacity studies (Shelby & Heberlein, 1986). At the Grand Canyon, there were concerns that the study of current visitors could not truly assess carrying capacity because past visitors, who might be more sensitive, would have been displaced. It is possible that they could have left the Canyon because use levels had increased from 500 visitors a year in the mid 1960s to over 16,000 in 1972. The "last settler syndrome" (Nielson & Endo, 1977) or "uninitiated newcomer" phenomenon (West, 1981) suggests that some newcomers to an area may have weakly defined normative expectations and preferences about an area (Roggenbuck, Williams, Bange, & Dean, 1991) and therefore will define current conditions as normal. Thus, aggregate measures of norms may change because of shifts in visitor composition over time.
Norms may also change independently of visitor composition. Cole and Stewert (2002) used a diary sampling method among Grand Canyon backpackers, and found substantial variation in individual responses to normative evaluations when measured at different backcountry zones and at different times during their trip. The product shift phenomenon suggests that people can also change their minds about standards of appropriate use given changing personal and social contexts (Shelby et al, 1988; Shindler & Shelby, 1995). The norms that they hold may change over time, and hence a relationship between encounters and perceived crowding that holds at one point in time may not hold at a second point. So, collective evaluations may also change, even while visitor characteristics remain roughly the same over time. Even though use level may be increasing, aggregate crowding levels may shift depending on a variety of broad social factors that may change the way people define appropriate uses of a recreation site. The only way to observe the potential for change, either in visitor composition or in the normative standards of visitors, is to measure social conditions and visitor evaluations at a single site over time.
1975年要去A岛(一个景点)有两种方式,private boat和chatared boat,1985年的时候这两种方式的船都增多了,作者推测是由于政府的tax credit造成的(这段感觉跟文章不怎么搭界)
第二段说因为船增多了所以boater应该会觉得crowded,但是boaters reported perception of crowdness decreased,预测可能是因为人们的norm, preference变了
第三段进一步展开那个预测,说因为很多人是买了private boat学习自驾去游览的新手,他们不熟悉skill和路线,所以更愿意去人多的地方,这样发生危险的时候可以求助

题目:最后一段在整个文章中的作用?
1.问第三段的作用,选elaborate an explanation suggesting a phenomena in the second paragraph
2.还有一道主旨题,我选分析一个unexpected phenomena的原因(这就是我说第一段跟全文好像没什么关系的原因,其他选项也都没有把第一段的内容概括进去的。。。)
3. 1975年和1985年的情况相比,Boater认为?(应该选认为不那么挤了那项)
4. 1980年前后情况不一样,所以第一问题就问“1970年的法律”暗示什么?我选的是80-85年的情况和75-80年的情况出现不同)
5.以下哪个因素不会影响Boater对拥挤程度的感觉: 答案推测 – changes in norms, preference of the visitors
6.是问关于那个政府的政策的说法,哪个是正确的。我选的是不仅仅适用于business boat。这个选项是比出来的答案,其他几个明显与文中相反
7. 第三个问题是问关于菜鸟boater的。记不清选项了

V3(750)
第一段讲1970年的时候,某个景区只有50几艘船,但是到了1985年左右,数量就到了200多艘,这些包括recreational的private boat和chartered boat。其中私人游艇增加了2倍以上。当地的旅游管理局还是什么的相关人士,在游船增加的初期对此问题表示了关注,怕过多的游船会导致当地僻静的景区收益什么的受到影响。但是调查发现,人们的perception of crowdedness并没有上升,反而下降了(有题考)。分析认为,是人们的norm,expectation等因素变化了。最后提出游船增加的主要原因是1970年初期,政府出台了一项税收政策,对那些购买游艇的人,可以减免税收。
第二段开始具体分析为什么游船增加了,但是游客的perception觉得less congested呢?熟悉这个景区宁静氛围的游客们都离开了,新来的游客对这里的expectation又不同(可能来景区之前就觉得会很多人,但是实际到了这里发现没有想象中那么拥挤,perception就给出了没有那么congested的错觉)。同时sailing school招徕了不少新手学员,大家对游玩的路线什么的也不熟悉,可能反而觉得人多可以互相帮助。(但自始至终没有提到一个conclusive的原因,主旨题考到,又干扰选项)。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:10

1.2.2 预测未来
预测未来的需求却往往导致不好的结果之类的
我的材料:
Demand forecasting is the activity of estimating the quantity of a product or service that consumers will purchase. Demand forecasting involves techniques including both informal methods, such as educated guesses, and quantitative methods, such as the use of historical sales data or current data from test markets. Demand forecasting may be used in making pricing decisions, in assessing future capacity requirements, or in making decisions on whether to enter a new market. 这个只有名词解释,具体的内容大家可以自己继续搜,熟悉一些词汇吧
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:10

1.2.3 日本经济*
总结:
第一段:日本人的高效率引起美国同行来分析。按照(泰罗Taylorism/福特)的管理理论,日本的企业生产力通过详细分工的方法得以提高,(有考题)说是因为日本制造strategy中更强调innovation和工人skills,corporation等方面,有别于传统的简单重复性生产线assembly line工作模式,因此焕发了更高的效率,另一个反驳critics说日本的成功只不过是增加了工作的强度,只是倚靠流水线、监工等方式提高产量,不是什么创新( not innovative),严格意义上讲还是强调分工、合作,是更有效率的流水线管理。
第二段:就是描述这种发展的性质。一个说日本的发展是有innovation的,一个就说不过是流水线之类的,这里面有很多词哟,比如pressure之类的。
第三段,作者的观点——折衷中立。其实应该是把这两种说法结合起来,就能概括日本这种发展了。其实两种理论都未看到XXX. 小日本的管理要求工人更高的skills, 给了工人更多的讨价余地(有题)。

题目:
1.作者的态度,主旨题,选 Find the middle ground of two controversial theories这个选项
2.推断题Infer
3.问那种情况 Skilled labor更有Bargaining Power--日本工人dependent on skills
4.针对最后作者认为日本企业模式的细节题
5.“问critics会认可关于production system哪个观点?选 not innovative”
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:11

1.2.4 P药与心脏病关系
第一段说,一个关于Nurse的survey发现,那些服用P药的人比不服用的人患心脏病的几率小,从而推测说P药可以decrease患心脏病几率。但又一个survey发现,服用P药的人竟然连accident的几率都比不服用的人小,于是开始质疑原先的结论,因为很显然,吃药与降低事故的几率没关系。于是就继续做实验,结果证明P药会increase患心脏病的几率。
第二段,解释。服用P药的人对于健康比较关注,所以生活习惯各个方面都会注意保健,所以患病的几率小。然后做实验(记不得了,貌似有提到placebo),最后说,两个表面上有联系的事件可能是因为其他的原因而被联系在一起(主旨)
考题:
1)以下哪种情况与“服用原本增加患病几率的p药和患病几率减少”这个paradox最为相似?(这个表达是lz的理解,不是原来的表达)答案蛮好排除的
2)主旨题
3)nurse survey说明了什么?
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:12

1.2.5 企业贷款
    第一段说economist有一个经济现象hypothetical model内容主要说: when firms apply for a bank loan,他们需要知道自己的operating costs,但是operating cost会被其他因素影响,因此还需要向bank 申请evaluation, bank要对他们进行investigation.然后以High costs公司和low costs公司做例子,两种公司都去贷款,银行在批准时screening都要对它们进行evaluation. 当然银行不会自己出评估所花的钱啦,但是银行又不会所有公司都收这笔钱,因为这样会导致银行收所有公司的评估钱后又随便评估然后全都拒绝贷款(出考点,问银行为啥子不收所有公司的钱,狗主选C因为利润高银行没动力去认真评估),所以啦,银行会从最终批准拿loan的公司付这笔钱。而很明显的是能借到贷款的公司是在为那些没借到贷款的公司付后者的评估费喔。然后明显的是,银行一般都给low costs的公司贷款啊,所以总的来说都是low costs的公司在帮high costs的公司付那笔评估钱喔。
    第二段,讲为了避免帮Highcosts的公司付那笔钱啊,因为low costs公司觉得这是在浪费它自己的钱喔high cost firms will be subsidised by low cost firms. and the low cost firm knows that.,low cost公司会采取一个叫“post collateral”的策略。这个策略风险高啊,如果采取了这个策略但是又没贷到款的话,损失惨重喔。但是专家又说,一般如果low costs的公司预先知道自己条件好啊什么的,肯定能拿到贷款,这样做的话risk少,所以没关系。(考点,问第二段在全文是啥子作用,选项是讲述Low costs公司为了逃避帮别人付额外的评估费所采取的措施)
    第三段又说,但是,low cost公司做这个决定的时候还是必须得知道high cost公司会不会也采取“post collateral”策略才行喔,要是high cost公司采取,这样子风险高喔。但是,High cost公司基于自己本来不太可能拿得到贷款,如果采取那个策略的话,风险就更高,所以一般high cost公司不会采取这种策略。所以啦,现实生活中,一般是Low cost公司都会采取那个策略啦而high cost的公司就不会喔。所以捏,银行得出经验啦,如果看到low cost公司提出“post collateral”,就证明它挺有实力的,并且它不想帮别人付评估费。 但好公司给抵押也要一定程度的,至少比坏公司不愿给的程度多。     
第四段,讲这个手段为什么有效呢,因为 high cost公司模仿low cost的这种抵押成本很高——如果他们提供抵押担保的话,他们是很容易还不了债而损失掉抵押物的。


 题目:
1.问了下列哪个说法正确,(狗主选的是high-cost公司比low-cost公司更有可能进行欺骗性的抵押(这个答案确认))
2.low-cost公司为什么要给抵押,我选的是不去进行审查从而躲避对坏公司的变相补贴(我选的好像不是这个)答案待确认
3. 银行只对批准贷款的公司作风险评估,为什么?
  第二段说,银行的evaluation是有cost的,为了保证他们的cost可以recoup,他们通常只向贷款成功 的firm收费.
4. high cost firms 在什么情况下会去做质押?费用在可承受的范围内
5. 作者认为low cost company以什么的方法获得贷款?  Collateral
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:12

1.2.6 企业downsizing
由大萧条的企业裁员downsizing讲起,一面是大幅裁员一面是企业利润的大幅提升,是技术还是组织结构改变使得生产率提高?作者通过这两个是慢慢渗透而不是突发的,反驳了用这两个因素来解释生产力跃升到观点。二三段讲到了外包,企业把业务外包给小公司或者contigent的职员来做,说企业是通过外包压低了成本,解答了前面那个问题。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:13

1.2.7 企业应如何解决污染(类似原文)
      The concept of resource productivity opens up a new way of looking at both the full systems costs and the value associated with any product. Resource inefficiencies are most obvious within a company in the form of incomplete material utilization and poor process controls, which result in unnecessary waste, defects, and stored materials. But there also are many other hidden costs buried in the life cycle of the product. Packaging discarded by distributors or customers, for example, wastes resources and adds costs. Customers bear additional costs when they use products that pollute or waste energy. Resources are lost when products that contain usable materials are discarded and when customers pay --directly or indirectly -- for product disposal.
     Environmental improvement efforts have traditionally overlooked these systems costs. Instead, they have focused on pollution control through better identification, processing, and disposal of discharges or waste -- costly approaches. In recent years, more advanced companies and regulators have embraced the concept of pollution prevention, sometimes called source reduction, which uses such methods as material substitution and closed-loop processes to limit pollution before it occurs.
But, although pollution prevention is an important step in the right direction, ultimately companies must learn to frame environmental improvement in terms of resource productivity. [1] Today managers and regulators focus on the actual costs of eliminating or treating pollution. They must shift their attention to include the opportunity costs of pollution --wasted resources, wasted effort, and diminished product value to the customer. At the level of resource productivity, environmental improvement and competitiveness come together.
     This new view of pollution as resource inefficiency evokes the quality revolution of the 1980s and its most powerful lessons. Today we have little trouble grasping the idea that innovation can improve quality while actually lowering cost.
     But as recently as fifteen years ago, managers believed there was a fixed trade-off. Improving quality was expensive because it could be achieved only through inspection and rework of the inevitable" defects that came off the line. What lay behind the old view was the assumption that both product design and production processes were fixed. As managers have rethought the quality issue, however, they have abandoned that old mind-set. Viewing defects as a sign of inefficient product and process design -- not as an inevitable byproduct of manufacturing -- was a breakthrough. Companies now strive to build quality into the entire process. The new mind-set unleashed the power of innovation to relax or eliminate what companies had previously accepted as fixed trade-offs.
第二段用defect做类比Like defects, pollution often reveals flaws in the product design or production process. Efforts to eliminate pollution can therefore follow the same basic principles widely used in quality programs: Use inputs more efficiently, eliminate the need for hazardous, hard-to-handle materials, and eliminate unneeded activities. In a recent study of major process changes at ten manufacturers of printed circuit boards, for example, pollution-control personnel initiated thirteen of thirty-three major changes. Of the thirteen changes, twelve resulted in cost reduction, eight in quality improvements, and five in extension of production capabilities. [2] It is not surprising that total quality management (TQM) has become a source of ideas for pollution reduction that can create offsetting benefits. The Dow Chemical Company, for example, explicitly identified the link between quality improvement and environmental performance by using statistical-process control to reduce the variance in processes and to lower waste.

题目:
1.此篇文章的main purpose
2.(Opportunity Cost 第一段两字高亮) 请问Opportunity Cost 指的是什么?possibilities lose in cost——possible losses if not prevent pollution
3.第二段的作用——选analogy 的方法,类比defect和pollution
4.有一题问有junction molecule的作用吧。有两个选项挺接近的。一个说improve interactive ability of two typs of molecule还有一个是conduit for information among cells. 我当时选了第一个,仔细想想的话应该是后一个吧。。大家到时候再仔细看吧


P1
传统的corporate 是以identify, examine, clean up pullution waste 为主轴, 是用被动的处理方式来对待pollution 的问题,认为控制环境污染会增加不必要的cost; 但是近几年的新公司是采用prevention-method. 比如说增加new equipment 来减少排放或是采取close monitor的主动方式来处理pollution问题. 但是作者指出了一个新的观点(有题) 说公司可以view pollution problems as opportunity cost - pollution problem indicates inefficiency in resource allocation 和company 的运行模式. 公司可以把pollution 问题进一步的看成是公司运作方式出了问题的警讯.(污染和公司的质量控制是同样的道理)

P2
更多对于opportunity cost 的解释和给予支持. 但是观点仍然是在opportunity cost 是一个比防范, 甚至治疗, 还要更加有效的方式. 企业应该要因此去从这个角度切入来重新检视公司的 resource allocation, 无论是employee, material 或者以外的资源
P3
总结说环境污染也可以像defect一样被控制,给了一些prospect, companies can be more efficient blahblahblah等等 其中的 "Can","Will" 都给了作者对于这个新方法的期望. 没题
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:15

1.2.8 法国女裁缝
V1 by lynnfordream
a.第一段 说法国在15世纪什么改革前出现一种什么衣服还是缝纫方法,它打破了垄断并且为女性提供了更多的参与商业的机会。一个叫C的人就研究这个了。 然后说这个商业机会还base on political support。
第二段貌似就说C和另外一个人t他们的观点有相同有不同。说了什么C好像是在pre-revolution。然后又说了revolution带来了什么影响。其中有个什么free the market 但是好像限制了political的活动,所以对那个纺织行业有影响。
题目:
1.有问C和T这俩人的观点相同地方在哪;
2.还有问提到那个缝纫方法的目的是什么,我觉得是通过它来反应当时的economy的一个什么现象吧。
3.CC和CH的分歧:选的 否认CH认为法国革命有作用的说法
4.讲M是为什么?   选的  法国革命前女性服装行业产品的变化。
In particular, the late-seventeenth-century introduction of a new style of dress called the manteau or mantua, and its increasing popularity,offered female seamstresses a "wedge " to loosen the tailors' monopoly overthe production of more formal, elite, and expensive women's fashions. This new product and more generally the exploding market for clothing, in particular women's clothing, provided seamstresses with the income and market niche from which to expand their numbers and to organize politically within the previously male-dominated trade. Furthermore, they could generally rely on the French state, with its agenda of economic development, to aid in this expansion and organization.女裁缝的规模扩大,且得到了政府政治上的支持。
In contrast with much of the prevailing historiography, Crowston demonstrates that when it was in the interest of the French state, authorities were happy to work with and encourage women workers as autonomous producers and not merely as family appendages to guild patriarchs.Crowston thus reinforces Hesse's claim that market expansion brought new opportunities for some women, but she locates these expanding opportunities in the political economy of the late Ancient Regime, rather than in the Revolution's overthrow of it.(市场扩大给妇女们带来了新机会,但这种机会不是由于革命,而是政治原因)
In Crowston's history, the seamstresses of Ancien Regime France emerge as relatively powerful and autonomous figures whose work, civic, and gender identities drew upon many sources, but were institutionalized in important ways because of the existence and practices of their guild.The destruction of the guild system during the Revolution thus represents a critical moment in the history of women's work and gender relations—from the perspective of women working in the garment trades, the "freeing" of the market from political constraints brought a largely negative transformation. A closer look at each of these works helps to reveal the origins of the tensions between these two interpretations.

补充资料:

"Fabricating Women"examines the social institution of the seamstresses' guild in Francefrom thetime of Louis XIV to the Revolution.

In contrast with previous scholarship on women and gender in the early modern period, Clare Haru Crowston asserts that the rise of the absolute state, with its centralising and unifying tendencies,could actually increase women's economic,social, and legal opportunities and allow them to thrive in corporate organization such as the guild.Yet Crowston also reveals paradoxical consequences of the guild's success, such as how its growing membership and visibility ultimately fostered an essentialised femininity thatwas tied to fashion and appearances. Situating the seamstresses' guild as bothan economic and political institution, Crowston explores in particular its relationship with the all-male tailors' guild, which had dominated the clothing fabrication trade in France until women challenged this monopoly during the seventeenth century. (女裁缝这种上升的趋势可以增加女人的经济,社会,机会。17世纪前这一行业一直有男人垄断,至今才有女人挑战。)
Combining archival evidence with visual images, technical literature, philosophical treatises, and fashion journals, she also investigates the techniques the seamstresses used to make and sell clothing, how the garments reflected and shaped modern conceptions of femininity, and guild officials' interactions with royal and municipal authorities. Finally, by offering a revealing portrait of these women's private lives - explaining, for instance, how many seamstresses went beyond traditional female boundaries by choosing to remain single and establish their own households - Crowston challenges existing ideas about women's work and family in early modern Europe. Although clothing lay at the heart of French economic production, social distinction, and cultural identity, "Fabricating Women" is the first book to investigate this immense and archetypal female guild in depth. It will be welcomed by students and scholars of French and European history, women's and labour history,fashion and technology, and early modern political economy.
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:15

1.2.9 landlord和tenant(原文)
    Any analysis of why the early fourteenth-century agrarian economy was so predisposed to 'crisis' necessarily requires careful consideration of class and property relations on the land, for, as Robert Brenner and S. H. Rigby have both emphasized, these could be of decisive importance.7At that time landlords exercised feudal rights of lordship over their tenants, many of whom were of servile status and therefore legally subordinate to their lords. This power relationship shaped the tenurial relationship between those who owned the land and those who occupied and worked it. Thus it was tenure, as regulated by landlords, that determined the supply of holdings and the form and level of rents that were charged. Until recently it was widely believedthat feudal tenurial relationships sanctioned and facilitated the extra-economic exploitation of tenants by their lords. Together, the heaviness of rent charges and the arbitrariness of lordship discouraged and depressed tenant investment in agriculture.8Meanwhile, lords were more interested in pursuing a feudal lifestyle of conspicuous consumption than in enhancing the productivity and profitability of their estates.9The upshot, it has been claimed, was a vicious circle of underinvestment, static technology, and low and declining agricultural productivity.(封建社会中,地主对承租人的剥削关系,有人认为这是投资不足的恶性循环)
     Such pessimistic views of lords and their relations with their tenants have long exercised a compelling appeal.15 Nevertheless, they have become increasingly difficult to reconcile with a growing body of historical evidence. The preoccupation(当务之急) with serfdom overlooks the numerous free tenants who were exempt from the most coercive aspects of lordship.16Free tenants mostly paid fixed and low rents and their property rights enjoyed the protection of the royal courts。The more substantial customary tenants were, in fact, relatively well off 。(自由租户收到宫廷的保护,交给地主较少的固定租金,相对富裕。) Many of these tenants certainly paid a proportion of their rent in labour, but historians, probably because of a modern abhorrence of the institution of forced labour, have exaggerated its economic significance. In reality, only a minority of tenants actually performed labour services, and the aggregate value of rents in cash far exceeded that of rents in kind.21 Notwithstanding the much-vaunted powers of lordship, tenants had long been remarkably effective at opposing efforts by lords to raise rents and increase labour services in line with rising land values and commodity prices.22They did so by countering seigniorial power with custom and denying that, as tenants, they were obliged to pay their lords anything more than a de facto ground rent for the land. Tenant right, in fact, often proved more powerful than landlord right.( 只有少数的租户提供劳力服务,但他们有反对地主加租的权利,事实上,租户的权利比地主大)
    As this article argues, the fact that so many tenants were in such conspicuous economic difficulties by the early fourteenth century had less to do with feudal lordship per se and the supposed oppressions and inequalities of serfdom, than with the contradictions and inefficiencies inherent in the coexistence of customary, contractual and commercial relationships. Herein lay the real source of the agrarian problem in the early fourteenth century. In so far as lords were the inadvertent agents of this adverse state of affairs, it was because their dealings with their tenants were typically more compliant than coercive. By yielding to tenant demands for access to land on terms that were so favourable to the tenants, lords created the preconditions for the subdivision and subletting that stoked population growth and thereby engendered the rural congestion that was the source of so much under- and unemployment, with all the negative consequences that this implies for labour productivity, living standards and purchasing power. This deteriorating situation in the countryside acted as a brake upon the continued growth of the economy and, from 1315, left increasing numbers ever more cruelly exposed to the heightened risk of environmental hazard(地主想尽办法遏制了人口的发展和经济的增长,并使社会经济也衰退了)
Para1:
B:傳統的觀點認為,lord給tenant,特別是serf tenant (隸屬於lord的,給其交租納貢的tenant),帶來了極大的經濟壓力,因為tenant要交很高的稅負,要孝敬lord,缺乏人身自由。
Para2:
P:但是,這一觀點是不正確的,雖然老觀點有著很大的吸引力(作者用了compelling),但是它越來越不能回答近期發現的一些新證據(主題句)。
S:因為其一,有很大一部分是non serf tenant,這些人只要交很低的錢,有很大的自由度,小日子還挺滋潤;其二,即便是serf tenant,他們的生活也沒有那麼糟糕,他們還是有一定自主權的,諸如lord要增加稅賦的時候,他們可以提出反對意見,並且有一定的力量。
Para3:
S:但是中世紀的經濟還是惡化了,這是為什麼呢?究其原因,是因為,為了應付tenant想多租地擴大自身利益的欲望,地主想出了一系列方法。。。,生詞很多,看不太懂。。。結果就是造成巨大的 unemployment in rural area. 地主的這種做法相當於對經濟的一個“brake”,阻礙了14世紀的英國經濟發展。lord在表面上向tenant做了讓步使tenant獲得短期經濟利益,但是從長期來看,lord通過這些舉措遏制了人口和經濟的發展,並最終帶來了社會環境的惡化。
题目:
1.问是从文章infer出什么,我选项是landlord对土地权利神马的,不是totally free(因为第二段提到那个free tetant他们好像有royal court保护,所以landlord不是完全横行的)。
2.问你提到free-tenant的作用。答案:大意,举了个例子说明老观点不能解释一些新的evidence
3.主旨题
答案:貌似evaluate 14世纪英国经济停滞不前的真正原因
4.关于landlord赋予free tenant对土地的权利,作者同意哪个
A.serve the short term and long term interest of landlord;
B.serve the short term and long term interest of tenant;
C.serve neither short term nor long term interest of landlord;
D.serve neither short term nor long term interest of landlord;
E.serve short term interest of tenant but not the long term
骂完之后,违心地选了E
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:15

1.3.1苏联生物学家 1.3.4 neo理论
第一段:S, 支持达尔文的进化论,即最优基因繁殖最多。L 支持环境会影响基因的遗传,不利于物种进化的基因也会传给下一代。
第二段:S,L苏联人,S最大的错误就是和苏共体的主流学说抵触,而后讲因为这种主流学说在苏共体盛行, 达尔文的进化论在非苏联国家是主流。苏联支持L的理论。S迫于压力不得不考虑这个学说,研究环境和遗传,发现了进化论和L理论都没有的大发现。所以S的部分研究成果比起单独的两者(达尔文进化论和L进化论)更好
题目
(1)main idea题,选因为当时苏共体的风气,使得S的部分学说比起单独的进化论有优越
(2)Inference题,根据第二段说的,我选当时苏共体的科学家都相信L进化论
(3)问S和L的共识和相左的地方,根据第一段答,我选S不相信“不利于物种生存的基因也会由于环境的因素传给下一代”
(4)主旨题。contrast了两个生物学家的思想
(5)问:TDL对IIS有什么影响
(6)问IIS 与TDL的理论有什么区别?主要在第一段,都说到环境的影响。TDL认为环境对遗传有影响,但IIS不认为
背景知识
1、50年代在苏联由T.D.李森科(jj里提到的那位苏联盆友是也)所标榜的米丘林学说,强调生物在环境的直接影响下能够定向变异、获得性能够遗传。所有这些观点被称为neo新拉马克主义。
n2、Dobzhansky 的现代达尔文主义:现代综合进化论不同于传统的darwinism和neo darwinism,彻底否定获得性状的遗传,强调进化的渐进性,认为进化是群体而不是个体的现象。引入了群体遗传学的原理,弥补了新达尔文主义基因论的不足。并重新肯定了自然选择的压倒一切的重要性,继承和发展了达尔文进化学说。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:16

1.3.2 GWD women suffrage
1.        GWD-11-Q35 -Q37当代女权主义者对20年代妇女选举权运动的评价
      Recent feminist scholarship con-         早期人们以妇女选举权运动众所周知地
        cerning the United States in the 1920’s     “得到保证”来评价美国的1920’s,
        challenges earlier interpretations that     最近,女权主义者挑战这一观点。
Line        assessed the twenties in terms of the
  (5)        unkept “promises” of the women’s
suffrage movement.  This new scholar-         新观点驳斥道,因为妇女在1920年获
ship disputes the long-held view that            投票权后,妇女投票组织没有实体化,
because a women’s voting bloc did not          选举权不能为妇女争得长久的政治利益。
materialize after women gained the right
(10)        to vote in 1920, suffrage failed to
produce long-term political gains for
women.  These feminist scholars also          女权学家也认为选举权失败,因为它没
challenge the old view that pronounced         有遵守妇女投票将带来道德的无腐败的
suffrage a failure for not delivering on           统治的诺言。
(15)        the promise that the women’s vote
would bring about moral, corruption-
free governance.  Asked whether              被问到选举权是否失败时,他们引用世
women’s suffrage was a failure, these           纪交替时的社会改革家JA的话:“为
scholars cite the words of turn-of-the-            何你不问选举权是否全面失败?“
(20)        century social reformer Jane Addams,
        “Why don’t you ask if suffrage in
        general is failing?”学者的观点认为suffrage是失败
      In some ways, however, these递进       在某些方面,这些女权学者仍然认为
scholars still present the 1920’s as a              1920’s是衰落时期。
(25)        period of decline. After suffrage, they     他们说选举权后,女权运动失去了凝
argue, the feminist movement lost its              聚力,性别意识下降。
cohesiveness, and gender conscious-
ness waned.  After the mid-1920’s, few          1920’s中期后,鲜见女权改革家的成
successes could be claimed by fem-              就:在成功立法方面很少见。
(30)        inist reformers: little could be seen in
the way of legislative victories. 衰退的年代 new scholarship的另一观点
      During this decade, however, there        然而在此时期,以取得更多妇女自治
        was intense activism aimed at achiev-      为目标的强烈的激进主义存在着,扩
ing increased autonomy for women,             宽到妇女的日常生活领域。
(35)         broadening the spheres within which
they lived their daily lives.  Women’s            妇女组织的工作为妇女提供机会:
organizations worked to establish
opportunities for women: they strove to          他们致力于保障妇女完全的公民权利,
        secure for women the full entitlements        包括管理办公室及服务陪审庭的权利。
(40)        of citizenship, including the right to hold
office and the right to serve on juries.最终观点 不同意recent的观点
老新观点
逻辑简图:
1P: recent scholarship challenges earlier interpretations unkept “promise” of women suffrage. Disputes, also challenges older view…
2P: in some ways, however, decline….
3P: during this decade, however, intense activism…. Women’ organization worked to establish opportunities for women…
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
GWD-11-Q35:
The passage is primarily concerned with
               
A.        providing evidence indicating that feminist reformers of the 1920’s failed to reach some of their goals偏
B.        presenting scholarship that contrasts suffragist “promises” with the historical realities of the 1920’s
C.        discussing recent scholarship concerning the achievements of women’s suffrage during the 1920’s and presenting an alternative view of those achievements
Recent feminist scholarship concerning the United States in the 1920’s challenges earlier interpretations that assessed the twenties in terms of the unkept “promises” of the women’s suffrage movement.  
D.        outlining recent findings concerning events leading to suffrage for women in the 1920’s and presenting a challenge to those findings
E.        providing support for a traditional view of the success of feminist attempts to increase gender consciousness among women during the 1920’s
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
GWD-11-Q36:
It can be inferred that the author of the passage disagrees with the “new scholarship” mentioned in lines 6-7 regarding the
               
A.        degree to which the “promises” of the suffrage movement remained unkept
B.        degree to which suffrage for women improved the morality of governance
C.        degree to which the 1920’s represented a period of decline for the feminist movement
During this decade, however, there was intense activism aimed at achieving increased autonomy for women,。。。
D.        degree of legislative success achieved by feminist reformers during the 1920’s
E.        accuracy of the view that a women’s voting bloc did not materialize once suffrage was achieved
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
GWD-11-Q37:※
The purpose of the second paragraph (lines 23-31) of the passage is to

A.        suggest a reason why suffragist “promises” were not kept
B.        contrast suffragist “promises” with the reality of the 1920’s
C.        deplore the lack of successful feminist reform in 1920’s
D.        explain a view held by feminist scholars
E.        answer the question asked by Jane Addams
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:16

2.        GWD-4-Q5 to Q7工业化城市化理论不能解释妇女选举权问题(以瑞士为例)
      Many scholars have theorized that 老观点
        economic development, particularly          很多学者提出,经济发展,特别是工业
        industrialization and urbanization, con-       化和城市化能促进共享民主制的发展。
Line        tributes to the growth of participatory
  (5)        democracy;  according to this theory, it   按照该理论,每当经济发展扩大妇女
would seem logical that women would      的机会,妇女能要求和获得更多数的
both demand and gain suffrage in ever     选举权,这是合乎逻辑的。
greater numbers whenever economic
development expanded their economic
(10)        opportunities.  However, the economic否定老观点
development theory is inadequate to        但是这个经济理论不足以解释某些
explain certain historical facts about the     关于妇女选举权实行的历史事件。
implementation of women’s suffrage.
For example, why was women’s suf-        例如,为什么妇女选举权在1920年
(15)        frage, instituted nationally in the United     就在美国得以全面实施,但直到
States in 1920, not instituted nationally      1970’s才在瑞士全面实施?
in Switzerland until the 1970’s?  Indus-     到1920年,两个国家均高度工业化
trialization was well advanced in both       超过33%的美国工人受雇于各种工
countries by 1920:  over 33 percent        业,瑞士的比例则超过44%。
(20)        of American workers were employed
        in various industries, as compared
        to 44 percent of Swiss workers.
Granted, Switzerland and the United        当然,瑞士和美国不同在于工业扩
States diverged in the degree to            张与城市化程度的吻合程度。
(25)        which the expansion of industry coin-
cided with the degree of urbanization:
only 29 percent of the Swiss population      到1920年,只有29%的瑞士人口
lived in cities of 10,000 or more inhabi-       居住在1万或以上居民的城市里。
tants by 1920.  However, urbanization     但城市化不能完全解释妇女的选举
(30)        cannot fully explain women’s suffrage.      权。
Within the United States prior to 1920,       例如1920年前,在美国,只有低
for example, only less urbanized             度城市化的州赋予妇女选举权。
        states had granted women suffrage.
Similarly, less urbanized countries           近似地,诸如C和G等低度城市
(35)        such as Cambodia and Ghana had           化的国家远早于瑞士赋予妇女投
voting rights for women long before           票权。
Switzerland did.  It is true that Switzer-      瑞士城市化的州确实比农村州更早
land’s urbanized cantons (political           执行妇女投票权的立法。
subdivisions) generally enacted
women’s suffrage legislation earlier
than did rural cantons.  However,           但这些州通常共有其它特点- 类似
these cantons often shared other             的语言背景,更强的左翼党派- 这
characteristics—similar linguistic back-       些可以解释以上的现象。
grounds and strong leftist parties—that
may help to explain this phenomenon.
新老观点
逻辑简图:
Many scholars theorized economic development(industrialization and urbanization) contributes to women’s suffrage.
However, inadequate to explain…… however, urbanization cannot fully explain….
It is true… however, shared other characteristics …… may help to explain
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
GWD-4-Q5:
The passage states which of the following about Switzerland’s urbanized cantons?
               
A.        These cantons shared characteristics other than urbanization that may have contributed to their implementation of women’s suffrage.
B.        These cantons tended to be more politically divided than were rural cantons.
C.        These cantons shared with certain rural cantons characteristics such as similar linguistic backgrounds and strong leftist parties.
D.        The populations of these cantons shared similar views because urbanization furthered the diffusion of ideas among them.
E.        These cantons were comparable to the most highly urbanized states in the United States in their stance toward the implementation of women’s suffrage.
It is true that Switzerland’s urbanized cantons (political subdivisions) generally enacted women’s suffrage legislation earlier than did rural cantons.  However, these cantons often shared other characteristics—similar linguistic backgrounds and strong leftist parties—that may help to explain this phenomenon.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
GWD-4-Q6:
The primary purpose of the passage is to
               
A.        contrast two explanations for the implementation of women’s suffrage只说了一种理论
B.        demonstrate that one factor contributes more than another factor to the implementation of women’s suffrage
C.        discuss the applicability of a theory for explaining the implementation of women’s suffrage
开始老观点,强转折,有其他因素
D.        clarify certain assumptions underlying a particular theory about the implementation of women’s suffrage
E.        explain how a particular historical occurrence was causally connected to the implementation of women’s suffrage

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
GWD-4-Q7:
The passage suggests which of the following about urbanization in Switzerland and the United States by 1920?

A.        A greater percentage of Swiss industrial workers than American industrial workers lived in urban areas.反
B.        There were more cities of 10,000 or more inhabitants in Switzerland than there were in the United States.反
C.        Swiss workers living in urban areas were more likely to be employed in industry than were American workers living in urban areas.无
D.        Urbanized areas of Switzerland were more likely than similar areas in the United States to have strong leftist parties.
E.        A greater percentage of the United States population than the Swiss population lived in urban areas.
Granted, Switzerland and the United States diverged in the degree to which the expansion of industry coincided with the degree of urbanization: only 29 percent of the Swiss population lived in cities of 10,000 or more inhabitants by 1920.
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:16

1.3.3 南丁格尔 (原文)
1)Two recent publications offer different assessment of the career of the famous British nurse Florence Nightingale.(主题句,由此句和三段首句可知本文是结论解释型文章,即主要特点是总分式)A book by Anne Summers (观点之一)seeks to debunk (负评价的实义动词)the idealizations and present a reality(正评价词)at odds with Nightingale’s heroic reputation. According to Summers, Nightingale’s importance during the Crimean War(和观点二比较的差别点) has been exaggerated(负评价的实义动词): not until near the war’s end did she become supervisor of the female nurses. Additionally, (递进副词,表示行文方向一致,因此后面内容可以略读,仅提炼关键词即可,或不读)Summers writes that the contribution of the nurses to the relief of the wounded was at best marginal. The prevailing problems of military medicine were caused by army organizaitonal pratices, and the addition of a few nurses to the medical staff could be no more than symbolic. Nightingale’s place in the national pantheon, Summers asserts, is lrgely due to the propagandistic efforts of contemporary newspaper reporters.(以上略读)

2)By contrast(重要的强转折词,注意对比方/观点的差异点), the editors (对比观点二)of a new volume of Nightingale’s letters view Nightingale as a person who significantly influenced(正评价词) not only her own age but also subsequenct generations. They highlight her ongoing efforts to reform sanitary conditions after the war(观点二比较的差别点,和观点一中during the Crimean War对比,这一句是后面举例的总结句,重要,知道总结句可以不用看后面的例子。). For example,(举例通常可以略读,只提取例子中的关键词,如peacetime living conditions,举例的关键看前后的总结句,这里是for example 前面的一句话,因为例子都是用来说明总结句的,只要明白总结句的意思就行了。 ) when she leanred that peacetime living conditions in British barracks were so horrible that the death rate of enlisted men far exeeded that of neighboring civilian populations, she succeeded in persuading the government to establish a Royal Commission on the Health of the Army. She used sums raised through public contributions to found a nurses’ traning hospital in London. Even in administrative matters, the editors assert, her practical intelligence was formidable: as recently as 1947 the British Army’s medical services were still using the cost-accounting system she had devised in the 1860’s.(以上略读)

3)I believe that the evidence of her letters supports(正评价词) continued respect for Nightingale’s brilliance and creativity(正评价词). (总结句后举例说明,提取关键字,略读)When counseling a village schoolmaster to encourage children to use their faculties of observation, she sounds like a modern educator. Her insistence on classifying the problems of the needy in order to devise appropriate treatments is similar to the approach of modern social workers.(以上略读) In sum(文章最后一句话通常要仔细读,此处为总结句), although (让步略读,重点是让步后的转折句)Nightingale may not have achieved all of her goals during the Crimean War, her breadth of vision and ability to realize ambitious projects have earned(正评价词) her an eminent(正评价词) place among the ranks of social pioneers.(重点读,表明作者对以上两个不同观点的评述)
题目:
注意我怎么定位的,题干、选项和原文原句的对应线索我用相同颜色标注,题干中的定位依据的关键词我用下划线标注:

73. The passage is primarily concerned with evaluating
(A) the importance of Florence Nightingale’s innovations in the field of nursing
(B) contrasting approaches to the writing of historical biography
(C) contradictory accounts of Florence Nightingale’s historical significance
(D) the quality of health care in nineteenth-century England
(E) the effect of the Crimean War on developments in the field of health care
主题题,直接定位首段首句主题句:Two recent publications offer different assessment of the career of the famous British nurse Florence Nightingale

74. According to the passage, the editors(定位在观点二出现段) of Nightingale’s letters credit(正评价的实义动词,将定位进一步限制在观点二中的正评价处,即找贡献) her with contributing to which of the following?
(A) Improving of the survival rate for soldiers in British Army hospitals during the Crimean War(时间状语为观点一的内容,观点二的比较点在after the war,大胆排除)
(B) The development of a nurses’ training curriculum (原文未出现,排除)that was far in advance of its day
(C) The increase in the number of women doctors (原文未出现,排除)practicing in British Army hospitals
(D) Establishment of the first (极端词文章没有,选项出现,排除!)facility for traiing nurses at a major British university
(E) The creation of an organization for monitoring the peacetime living conditions of British soldiers
原文对应:she succeeded in persuading the government to establish a Royal Commission on the Health of the Army.
直接事实题,定位在2)段,for example 后具体内容中,此题重点在于对于文中未出现的信息的果断排除,千万不要超出文章半步的猜测。

75. The passage suggests which of the following about Nightingale’s relationship with the British public(定位在二段举例中,观点一或其他段落未谈到) of her day?
(A) She was highly respected, her projects receiving popular and governmental support.
(B) She encountered resistance both from the army establishment and the general public.
(C) She was supported by the working classes and opposed by the wealthier classes.
(D) She was supported by the military establishment but had to fight the governmental bureaucracy.
(E) After intially being received with enthusiams, she was quickly forgotten.
She used sums raised through public contributions to found a nurses’ traning hospital in London.  原文中唯一有public这个词的句子只有一处,确定无疑。

76. The passage suggests which of the following about sanitary conditions in Britain after the Crimean War(重要的定位依据,说明是观点二的内容,所以我以前说,对题干的提炼一定要注意,即使只是一个时间状语)?
(A) While not ideal, they were superior to those in other parts of the world.
(B) Compared with conditions before the war, they had deteriorated.
(C) They were more advanced in rural areas than in the urban centers.
(D) They were worse in military camps than in the neighboring civilian populations.
(E) They were unifromaly crude and unsatisfactory throughout England.
(They highlight her ongoing efforts to reform sanitary conditions after the war. For example, )when she leanred that peacetime living conditions in British barracks were so horrible that the death rate of enlisted men far exeeded that of neighboring civilian populations,....

77. Which  of the following statements regarding the differing interpretations of Nightingale’s importance would the author most likely agree(定位于作者的观点,作者观点的总结句,而不是文中提到的两个观点)?
(A) Summers misunderstood both the importance of Nightingale’s achievements during the Crimean War and her subsequent influence on British policy.

(B) The editors of Nightingale’s letters made some valid points about her practical achievements, but they still exaggerated her influence on subsequent genrations.
(C) Although Summers’ account of Nightingale’s role in the Crimean War may be accurate, she ignored evidence of Nightingales’ subsequent achievement that suggests that her reputation as an eminent social reformer is welldeserved.
定位于文末最后一句,关于作者对两个观点的总结句:
In sum, although Nightingale may not have achieved all of her goals during the Crimean War(观点一内容), her breadth of vision and ability to realize ambitious projects have earned her an eminent place among the ranks of social pioneers.
(D) The editors of Nightingale’s letters mistakenly propagated the outdated idealization of Nightingale that only impedes attempts to arrive at a balance assessment of her true role.
(E) The evidence of Nightingale’s letters supports Summers’ conclusions both about Nightingale’s activities and about her influence.

78. Which of the following is an assumption underlying the author’s assessment of Nightingale’s creativity(定位关键词,三段首句中,所以读原文注意评价词!)?
(A) Educational philosophy in Nightingale’s day did not normally emphasize developing children’s ability to observe.
When counseling a village schoolmaster to encourage children to use their faculties of observation, she sounds like a modern educator.
(B) Nightingale was the first to notice the poor living conditions in British military barracks in peacetime.
(C) No educator before Nightingale had thought to enlist the help of village shcoolmasters in introducing new teaching techniques.
(D) Until Nightingale began her work, there was no concept of organized help for the needy in nineteenth-century Britain.
(E) The British Army’s medical services had no cost-accounting system until Nightingale devised one in the 1860’s.


本题注意细节的排除,坚决按照原文信息!原文未出现的信息坚决不能选!尤其注意极端词汇!(以上选项中划线部分都是排除的依据)

79. In the last paragraph(直接定位), the author is primarily concerned with
(A) summarizing the arguments about Nightingale presented in the first two paragraphs
(B) refuting the view of Nightingale’s career presented in the preceding pargraph
(C) analyzing the weaknesses of the evidence presented elsewhere in the passage
(D) citing evidence to support a view of Nightingale’s career
(E) correcting a factual error occurring in one of the works under review
段落作用题,需要建立在框架把握的基础上,第三段和前两段的关系如何?从首句或末句判断。
I believe that the evidence of her letters supports continued respect for Nightingale’s brilliance and creativity.
以上的答案是我刚做的,如果有不对的,请MM给我指出来.
按照XDF老师传授的方法,第一遍读完,我会做这样的总结(XDF老师叫做"逻辑简图",携隐看看,其实简单的框架图就好,不用花太多时间像你以前那样总结.)
逻辑简图
1) 对N贡献评价有两个不同观点+第一个观点: TS(主题句), AS (Anne Summers), during the Crimean War, exaggerated ( — )
2)第二个观点:By contrast, Editors, significantly influenced(+), after the war, for examples
3)作者的观点:I believe....supports(+)...  brilliance and creativity(+). In sum,eminent(+)
这种逻辑简图简单实用,其实就是总结每段的段意、段内标志文章承转起合的重要的连接词、态度词,帮助你了解文章框架,把握重要的由连接词引出的出题点。
另:从本文你可以看出,一定要培养对关键的连词和作者态度词的重视和敏感!
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:17

1.3.5 广告用气味(类似原文)
先说奢侈品的广告不能用气味。因为气味不及Label,不能帮助人们认品牌。大概意思。这里有一个小小的对比。后面有题,问大概意思啊,Label能干吗。就把气味反着说。
然后第二段吧好像,忘了分没分段了,暂且当分了。举例子说,做实验,给人们一杯黄色的和红色的水,然后说柠檬味,人们就都想的是黄色的那个。后面有题,问哪个的比喻方式和这个是一样的。有两个选项说的都是和食物有关的,有一个是说Pine,给的是绿色的液体。记得是。狗主选的是,说的是皮革,给的是车- -
类似原文

Executional cues have been the focus of much advertising research. Visual cues (pictures) and aural cues (music) have been studied extensively, yet virtually no attention has been paid to the influenceof olfactory cues in advertising despite the growing trend among advertisers to use scents in ads. Scents often have been used in advertisements for products in which scent is a primary attribute (e.g., perfumes, room fresheners) and, when usedin that context, are a form of sampling. However, scents have also been usedfor products for which scent has been considered largely irrelevant. Forinstance, Tanqueray gin ran a pine-scented ad in USA Today, Rolls Royceadvertised its cars in Architectural Digest using leather-scented strips, and the State of Utah used floral- and spice-scented panels in a four-page tourism ad. Though suchuses may be intended simply as novelties, research suggests that ordor caninfluence mood state and affect judgment. Therefore, the use of scents inadvertising warrants attention.
     Odorsdiffer in several ways from the pictures and sounds more familiar toadvertising researchers. Compared to visual and aural cues, odors are difficultto recognize, are relatively difficult to label, may produce false alarms andcreate placebo effects. Schab (1991), in a review of the literature, concludedthat the ability to attach a name to a particular odor is so limited thatindividuals, on average, can identify only 40% to 50% of odors in a battery ofcommon odors. Additionally, consumer ability to detect and recognize odors isinfluenced by surrounding cues (Davis 1981). For example, a consumer is more likely to recognize a lemon scent whenthe scent is contained in a yellow liquid than when it is contained in a redliquid. Third, false alarms, perceiving an odor when in reality no odor ispresent, are relatively common (Engen 1972). Finally, researchers have shownthat both emotional and physical states can be affected just by believing anodor is present. The odorant itself need not be present (Knasko, Gilbert, andSabini 1990). That finding suggests placebo effects.
Despite the difficulties, olfactory cues hold appeal to advertisers working inan already cluttered environment. Olfactory responses are primarily autonomic,affecting a person physiologically before affecting cognition. Odors stimulatethe limbic system, the part of the brain responsible for emotional responses.Thus, olfaction represents a different path to the consumer than is afforded byother types of cues.
题目
1)好像是主旨题。
2)文中对‘ the growing trend ’一词划线,问它只什么,答案应该就是广告人增加在广告中使用气味。
3)a consumer ismore likely to recognize a lemon scent when the scent is contained in a yellowliquid than when it is contained in a red liquid.
题目是进行类比(注意题目问哪个跟那个比喻不相关),答案中有个是看见咖啡,想起小麦田(wheat farm)好像。
4)Compared tovisual and aural cues, odors are difficult to recognize, are relativelydifficult to label, may produce false alarms and create placebo effects。
这句话有考题,问关于visual and aural cues,答案应该是visual and aural cues areeasier to recognize and label.
5)第一段一上来有一个increase trend among using odor.那increase trend高亮了……
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:23

1.3.6 妇女地位与政党
一个关于妇女地位及在政党中的什么的文章,有些内容类似prep07 RC-2 189   再加上在政党中的什么的
V2 by jimmyzhang 710
第四篇是女权运动的, 先是旧观点,然后反驳, 两段, 问了三题, 一题问文章是怎么组织的, 一题问文章的主旨 我觉得都差不多
Traditional social science models of class groups in the United States are based on economic status and assume that women's economic status derives from association with men, typically fathers or husbands, and that women therefore have more compelling common interest with men of their own economic class than with women outside it.  Some feminist social scientists, by contrast, have argued that the basic division in American society is instead based on gender, and that the total female population, regardless of economic status, constitutes a distinct class.  Social historian Mary Ryan, for example, has argued that in early-nineteenth-century America the identical legal status of working-class and middle-class free women outweighed the differences between women of these two classes:  married women, regardless of their family's wealth, did essentially the same unpaid domestic work, and none could own property or vote.  Recently, though, other feminist analysts have questioned this model, examining ways in which the condition of working-class women differs from that of middle-class women as well as from that of working-class men.  Ann Oakley notes, for example, that the gap between women of different economic classes widened in the late nineteenth century:  most working-class women, who performed wage labor outside the home, were excluded from the emerging middle-class ideal of femininity centered around domesticity and volunteerism.

Question #16.  189-01        (21999-!-item-!-188;#058&000189-01)

The primary purpose of the passage is to

(A) offer sociohistorical explanations for the cultural differences between men and women in the United States
(B) examine how the economic roles of women in the United States changed during the nineteenth century
(C) consider differing views held by social scientists concerning women's class status in the United States
(D) propose a feminist interpretation of class structure in the United States
(E) outline specific distinctions between working-class women and women of the upper and middle classes

Question #17.  189-03        (22045-!-item-!-188;#058&000189-03)

It can be inferred from the passage that the most recent feminist social science research on women and class seeks to do which of the following?

(A) Introduce a divergent new theory about the relationship between legal status and gender
(B) Illustrate an implicit middle-class bias in earlier feminist models of class and gender
(C) Provide evidence for the position that gender matters more than wealth in determining class status
(D) Remedy perceived inadequacies of both traditional social science models and earlier feminist analyses of class and gender
(E) Challenge the economic definitions of class used by traditional social scientists

Question #18.  189-05        (22091-!-item-!-188;#058&000189-05)

Which of the following statements best characterizes the relationship between traditional social science models of class and Ryan's model, as described in the passage?

(A) Ryan's model differs from the traditional model by making gender, rather than economic status, the determinant of women's class status.
(B) The traditional social science model of class differs from Ryan's in its assumption that women are financially dependent on men.
(C) Ryan's model of class and the traditional social science model both assume that women work, either within the home or for pay.
(D) The traditional social science model of class differs from Ryan's in that each model focuses on a different period of American history.
(E) Both Ryan's model of class and the traditional model consider multiple factors, including wealth, marital status, and enfranchisement, in determining women's status.
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:24

1.3.7 语速在广告中影响
V1 by jscz66
第一篇说语速对人听广告的影响
第一段说语速和停顿对人理解广告有影响,然后说了两个专家吧,一个ML认为语速快时人会更专注于广告的内容,理解的也就更多,另一个人MO说有停顿会给人更多的时间来理解接收到的信息,并且语速太快会给人一种暗示就是讲的东西很难理解(因为怕讲不完,所以快)。
第二段说实验表明人们对正常语速的广告接受到的信息更多,但是停顿对人的理解没有影响,但是快的语速的确会给人一种很难理解的暗示,简介导致人们失去兴趣
记得有一个题说文章对两个专家的观点是同意还是不同意,选了反对第一个人说的,同意第二个人的第二个观点
考古
P1广告先说两个牛人,都是M打头的。M1说广告语速快好,停顿少越能使受众集中精力去听。M2说不然,语速太快和停顿越少,人们懒得去听,提出有两种可能。1.缺乏理解的时间。2.太快使人缺乏理解的motivation
P2做了个实验,否定了M1的观点,证实了M2的观点。即语速过快使人缺乏去听广告的motivation,否定了第一个可能,即人们不听广告是没时间去理解。例证是:实验表明停顿增加虽然给受众更多时间去理解语速快的广告,但不会使人们更好的理解广告。于是否定了人们缺乏时间理解广告这个原因
第一题:主旨题
第二题是高亮第二段里的一句话,问它是支持了下列哪个观点,请在前后句找
第三题是作者支持哪个观点?显然是M2的观点
直接问题:1.第二段高亮的“增加停顿时间have no effect”的作用是什么,答案具体不记得了,貌似是高亮后一句话的同意改写
以下哪一项是第二个M的观点?support题目。A:语速过快会增加观众的理解难度
还有一题,问你一下怎么样才最适合观众:
快语速and长停顿
Normal语速and 短停顿
Normal语速and Normal停顿
Normal语速and长停顿
Slow语速and ***停顿
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:24

1.3.8 妇女的选举权
V1 by yangzhenghoney 740
很短, 也很容易理解。 就是说以前的学者认为那些反对妇女拥有选举权的女性是属于典型的维多利亚时期的传统女性,但事实并非如此, 她们实际也会看一些激进的书, 而且她们反对的理由是认为妇女参与政治会导致其所参与的社会活动不再公正公平, 反正就是这个意思, 题目很简单的!!!
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:25

1.3.9库存管理
V1 by xuerdawas 720
第一段:inventory-smoothing理论/model的思想是,用库存(inventory)作为buffer,应付可能出现的产品需求的突然增长。这样公司就不用改变当前的生产,production level就会保持稳定 (这里有题)
第二段:根据这个理论,production的variance会下降。而且如果需求增加,sales的variance会增加。但是经过科学家调查,发现production比sales的variance要高,而且他们(或者是sales和inventory,不影响整体阅读)的variance是correlated.这说明要么这个理论有问题,要么还有其他因素影响了调查结果。
第三段:第一句话是,科学家所做的调查是基于aggregate level的(后面有问这句话的作用,我选:提供了possibility that masks对单个企业的应用)。这样一些seasonality的数据可能被忽略。但是有科学家对单个企业做调查,也不能证实这个model
还问了主旨
V2
跟商业有关,一个什么smooth inventory 和跟production,就两段,有些生词
好像在评价这个方法到底可不可行  我理解的是增加存货量可以缓解production激增的压力 ,product需求激增,然后说这个方法不可行  
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
考古【1】- 长度一屏不到 不过这篇看的有点糊涂,还好题不难。
(1)     Production smoothing是什么意思 -> 我选的答案的大概意思是能通过库存使每个时期的生产量比较稳定
(2)     第三段中提到研究结果与inventory smoothing model相悖,可能是因为数据是COMPANIES aggregate的,然后IDIVIDUAL FIRMS怎么怎么样;问提到aggregation of data的作用是什么:我选的答案to consider the possibility that it masked the applicability of the model in individual firms
考古【2】 - Inventory-smoothing model认为库存可以用来缓冲demand的fluctuation, 所以high price fluctuation应该对应sales下降(这个理解可能有误,我当时是一边看一边做笔记,只记得一个high price fluctuation和一个对应的下降,但不记得是不是sales下降)。但empirical research using the aggregate data (这里有题,问aggregation of data)得出的结论是相反的。有些学者再用seasonality-adjusted empirical research还是无法detect the signs of these corporate activities.  
记得一篇读下来印象就是research的结果统统与理论不符。那道关于aggregation of data起什么作用的题我犹豫了很久,最后选了个选项是to consider the possibility that it masked the applicability of the model in individual firms
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:25

1.4.1 GWD-26-Q14-Q16 董事会经常失败的原因和改进措施
    Although recent censure of corporate      指责董事会消极懒散虽有点过
boards of directors as “passive” and           火,但还是有充分理由的。
“supine” may be excessive, those who
Line  criticize board performance have plenty
(5) of substantive ammunition. Too many         董事会错在没有执行好两个基
  corporate boards fail in their two crucial       本职责:忽视长期战略,没制
  responsibilities of overseeing long-term        定好的高层薪酬计划。
  company strategy and of selecting
  evaluating, and determining appropriate
(10) compensation of top management. At         有时CEO业绩不好工资却高。
    times, despite disappointing corporate
    performance, compensation of chief
    executive officers reaches indefensibly
    high levels, Nevertheless, suggestions         但建议政府立法其改革又言之
(15) that the government should legislate board     过早。董事会可以自己改善。
    reform are premature. There are ample
   opportunities for boards themselves to
    improve corporate performance.
        Most corporate boards’ compensation      大多数董事会制定高层管理
(20) committees focus primarily on peer-group      人员薪酬时只和其他公司比
    comparisons. They are content if the pay        较。如果工资和其它对手公
    of top executives approximates that of          司或类似公司的相同,董事
    the executives of competing firms with         会就会满足。
    comparable short-term earnings or even
(25) that of executives of competing firms of
    comparable size. However, mimicking the       这种模仿忽视了长期业绩表
    compensation policy of competitors for the       现。
    sake of parity means neglecting the value
    of compensation as a means of stressing
(30) long-term performance. By tacitly detach-       这会危害公司危害经济。
    ing executive compensation policy from
    long-term performance, committees harm
    their companies and the economy as a
    whole. The committees must develop           薪酬必须与长期表现挂钩。
(35) incentive compensation policies to empha-
    size long-term performance. For example        举例说明
    a board’s compensation committee can, by
    carefully proportioning straight salary and
    such short-term and long-term incentives
(40) as stock options, encourage top manage-
    ment to pursue a responsible strategy.
    结构清楚
Q14
According to the passage, the majority of compensation committees put the greatest emphasis on which of the following when determining compensation for their
executives?
A  Long-term corporate performance
B  The threat of government regulation
C  Salaries paid to executives of comparable corporations
D  The probable effect the determination will have on competitors
E   The probable effect the economic climate will have on the company
    They are content if the pay of top executives approximates that of the executives of competing firms
Q15
The passage suggests which of the following about government legislation requiring
that corporate boards undergo reform?
A Such legislation is likely to discourage
candidates from joining corporate boards.
B Such legislation is likely to lead to
reduced competition among companies.
C. The performance of individual companies would be affected by such
  legislation to a greater extent than
  would the economy as a whole.
D  Such legislation would duplicate
initiatives already being made by
corporate boards to improve their
own performance.无
E  Corporate boards themselves could
   act to make such legislation unnecessary.
第一段最后部分表达的意思。
------------------------------------------------
Q16
Which of the following best describes the organization of the passage?
A  A problem is acknowledged, the
causes are explored, and a solution is offered.
B  A question is raised, opposing points
    of view are evaluated, and several
    alternative answers are discussed.
C  A means of dealing with a problem is
proposed, and the manner in which
D  a solution was reached is explained.
A plan of action is advanced, and the
probable outcomes of that plan are
discussed.
E  Two competing theories are described
and then reconciled.
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:26

自然科学类
2.1.1生物进化理论
V1 by 老张1119
第一段是说这种生物的和水有关的一种能力 好像还和水生生物比较了一下
第二段是科学家提出的一个理论
第三段是科学家详尽的解释了这种理论 第三段很长 全段高亮…还高亮了两次…== 第一次好像是问下面哪一个strength了科学家的这种解释 第二次好像是infer题 问可以从这段里面得出什么
这是俺从GRE阅读里挖来的材料,先参考吧,估计与GMAT的本月越毒内容有差异,千万不要被误导
14、进化与物种灭亡的关系
@长:进化与物种灭亡的关系。有一些conservationist认为,应该防止物种的灭亡,因为这样可以保证物种多样性,保证物种之多样性,则有利于进化(还提到了基因改变什么的。)。
从第二段开始,开始反驳这一观点。第二段大意是说,未必物种多样了,就利于进化。该灭亡,还是要灭亡;另一方面,物种自己会针对环境的改变,作出改变,以寻找新的发展机会。举例说久远以前,大量的生物从海洋来到陆地,建立了新的生物圈。有一提问:这reveal了什么。
继续分析。第三还是第四段段说,这些conservationist错误的原因,是因为混淆了什么概念,(好象是“evolution”与”development”)@一些科学家认为extinct对是好的,另一些外行认为应该保护濒临灭绝的生物。从一些什么地方挖出来的化石分析表明,进化的结果应该是生物选择适合它们的地方,而不是灭绝。又举了水生生物向陆地进军做例子。然后又说北美的一些什么鸟树跟冰川做斗争的例子,大概就是敌进我退,敌退我进吧。后来又说到人类社会如何如何,道理还是上面的,只是由生物界扩展到社会了。

============

17、进化与物种灭亡的关系
(1)进化与物种灭亡的关系。有一些conservationist认为,应该防止物种的灭亡,因为这样可以保证物种多样性,保证物种之多样性,则有利于进化(还提到了基因改变什么的)。
从第二段开始,开始反驳这一观点。第二段大意是说,未必物种多样了,就利于进化。该灭亡,还是要灭亡;另一方面,物种自己会针对环境的改变,作出改变,以寻找新的发展机会。举例说久远以前,大量的生物从海洋来到陆地,建立了新的生物圈。继续分析。第三还是第四段段说,这些conservationist错误的原因,是因为混淆了什么概念,(好象是“evolution”与”development”)
(2)一些科学家认为extinct对生态系统是好的,另一些外行认为应该保护濒临灭绝的生物。从一些什么地方挖出来的化石分析表明,进化的结果应该是生物选择适合它们的地方,而不是灭绝。又举了水生生物向陆地进军做例子。然后又说北美的一些什么鸟树跟冰川做斗争的例子,大概就是敌进我退,敌退我进吧。后来又说到人类社会如何如何,道理还是上面的,只是由生物界扩展到社会了。
(3)第一句话说,有人argue that prevent extincting不对,on the other hand,历史学家认为人类应该避免物种的灭绝,他们还认为,物种的evolution的过程是通过genes’improvement according to the environmental changes(注意,这题旧观点出在后面,是一贯反对的观点:即生物通过对不同环境得适应进化的他们自己)
第二段,开始驳斥历史学家,说很多生物不是进化他们本身,而是通过寻找新的环境来生存,这样,那些suvive的生物就找了新的地方,而那些extinct的生物则没有!这就是为什么北美洲的森林好象在glacier后一段时期出现在了southW什么地方的原因,而当冰川消失后又移回原处,后来分析前面历史学家得错误,忘了说什么了!结尾又重新讲了的立场,即生物们要灭绝就灭绝吧,这种灭绝对人类好像还有什么好处!总之是个正评价!
(4)物种进化问题,有历史学家认为物种的evolution的过程是通过genes’improvementaccordingtotheenvironmentalchanges,但有人不这么认为,认为生物的基因并没有改变很多,举例:北美洲的森林好象在冰川(glacier)来临时向南部移动,而当冰川消失后又移回原处,后来分析前面历史学家的错误在于把evolution混淆???
(5)两派科学家关于进化论的争论。有的说保护濒危动植物不好,阻碍了进化。另一些人说好,因为保护它们可以使有更多的基因选择。然后就列举了一堆例子支持前者。提到动植物趋利避害采用搬家的方式,不一定不适合环境变化的都得灭绝,它们选择了退出变化的环境,等环境变好再回来。具体说了北美的一种树木在冰川来到的时候向南撤退,等冰川过去就回到原来的环境。(一个细节题)下面的一段还是讲不要保护濒危动植物,让它们自生自灭去。是什么基因的关系等等。文章很长,但是几乎没有转折,支持一派反对另外一派。很简单,但是题目有陷阱,当心。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:27

2.1.2 玻璃
V6 by coollijun  v40
第一段:很多建筑师用玻璃建房子,但整块玻璃易碎,于是要找protective coating,但它们不透明(transparent a.透明的),所以不好。
        第二段:一种技术叫tempering,也就是钢化玻璃(tempering glass)。接着来描述钢化玻璃的加工流程和原理,利用两种材料冷却的速度差,在玻璃外面形成一层保护,最后说这个流程的优点是玻璃碎了也不容故意伤人。
第三段:这样还不够,如果一块玻璃断了一整个房子就塌了,说Tempering还要结合另一种技术才给力:lamination(贴层),(意思通俗点说就是做成玻璃三明治)要用一种橡胶的材料把玻璃一块块连接起来这样才更好,这样解决了玻璃受力过猛整块玻璃都碎的问题,但是Lamination也有缺点,首先是制作过程有个特殊的要求,另外安装的时候每块要打孔才能达到效果。。。
第四段:一些建筑师想生产uncommon glass解决上面的问题,一拨人用其他材料添加进玻璃的制作工艺,做出来的玻璃和传统的二氧化硅的玻璃比有什么什么特点。另外一拨人则用Adhesive来粘,但悲剧的是粘贴玻璃Reliability没有经过时间的验证。
题目:问题考得很细
1.第二段和第三段关系,(选项都是第三段为第二段作XXXX的作用)
2.第个类比题,说下列选项中哪个和 Lamination这种工艺比较相近。
3.有个划线题出在Lamination那里。
4.有个主旨题。
5.回原文定位:Conventional glass
6.问什么样的对玻璃的处理是人们最不愿意看到的。文章中定位到第一段中叙述说为了增强建筑玻璃的抗bend能力给玻璃两面加膜以支撑玻璃。但是这反而无法完成玻璃的最基本功能即透光(transparency).
还有glass那篇,和JJ排版不太一样。3段,一段说传统glass易碎,有2中解决办法,一是cooling时只接触air,另一种方法是外面加coat,但是transparent就下降了(此处有考题),因为一般玻璃就是为了transparent的。二段说第三种方法是调节温度,就是JJ里说的有机玻璃(lim神马的词),外面比里面冷却的快所以就算碎也只是碎成小块,不会伤人(有考题,有一个选项说large fragment 不会伤人直接叉掉,我选的是E额,你妹的我再度失忆)第三段对比有机玻璃和普通玻璃,有什么structure(有考题),但最后来了个大正小负说有机玻璃的缺陷(太着急没仔细看,没考题)
LZ选的是Complexity
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:28

2.1.3 地震前鸟行为
第一段:是关于地震前鸟的异常行为,先讲将1835年智利Chile地震,老人发现一种鸟seabird大群的从海岸飞到内陆,觉得奇怪,因为不是气候变化的时候(有题,取反即可),后来就地震了。
第二段:其他一些地方也有类似的现象。人们就觉得是鸟能感知到地震最初造成的轻微动,试图解释为什么海上一点点变化鸟也会察觉到,唯一能解释原因是bird detected 其他的变化从一个小的变化中 (这里有细节题)
第三段:但是后来说不对,那样的话鸟就应该逃到海上,因为海上伤害比内陆小。
第四段:然后别的地方也都有这样的跟鸟有关的现象。举了其他地震的例子, 说中国地震前也发现有duck 的反常, 什么什么地方也发现鸟往一个洞还是什么里面飞, (这里有题)
(有个题问各地有什么共同点,lz就选了都和鸟有关,因为其他的都很不相关。)
题目:
1.主旨题a argument of ……over a phenomena
2.还有一道是问作者在文章中所举例子的共性是什么?我选的是birds
3.提醒大家读的时候注意什么什么人,貌似是那里的居民,后面两题问到了这些人的态度啊什么的)
4.问智利那地方的人对海鸟有种啥看法,我选的是“当地人认为在天气正常的情况下海鸟不会一大群一起往内陆飞”
5.细节题:bird可以感受到变化

针对第一段的, 说那个most-weather person 在地震发生之间的对seabird有什么样的理解, 其他的选项很迷惑人 我选的是 "只有当稳定的季节结束的时候它们才会往内陆飞"
针对第二段的, 推测, 如果seabird只detect 一个小变化而没有其他的异常, 它们会怎么样? 我觉得也很tricky, 我选的是"它还是会往海上飞", 其他的选项还有"他们能signal storm", 但我根据第二段的解释, 觉得seabird只detect到一个变化的话不会有异常反应
针对最后一段的, 问文中举的例子都提到了,  选项有 wildlife animal, 还有 bird, 还有其他明显错误的答案, 我选bird, 因为中国的duck不算野生动物吧?


我的材料:是一些跟动物地震预报相关的基础知识,当作背景配合jj来看就好
The weather is influenced by factors such as solar activity, globe rotation, warming of the land masses and oceans, and the orbits of the Sun, Moon and planets.
      As humans, we consider ourselves to be the most intelligent species on the planet  -  however, through the refining of our natural behaviours and through the process of our education and ‘advancements’ we  have actually lost many (or most) of our basic instincts.
      Animals, birds, insects and plant life have a far greater ability to sense and interpret weather changes and signs than humans, and this is linked to their natural survival instincts.
      Birds are closer to nature than humans and therefore more sensitive to invisible energies.   Their physical actions express approaching prevailing energy – such as earthquakes – before even the most psychic human is aware of it.
      If a bird or flock of birds acts strangely, you may be able to deduce that they ‘know’ something that you do not about changes in the weather or an impeding natural event or disaster.  
Animals and birds react to signs in many different ways and their irregular behaviour and reactions can predict future significant changes in the weather. Science is yet to determine exactly How animals know what’s to come.  Is it a rise or fall in atmospheric pressure;  a reaction to the electromagnetic forces generated by sunspots;  or even changes in the levels of humidity?  Or, is it a combination of these factors, or something entirely different altogether?  Whatever the triggers may be, they have an effect on the natural world around us.
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:29

2.1.4 气温上升
说冰河期之后全球各部分温度上升的情况。
第一段说认为冰河期后各部分温度变化不一致,两极高纬度好像变化比较小,有个科学家通过研究海底的东西支持这个观点。
第二段新观点说另外的科学家从陆地提取的样本发现全球各部分温度变化差不多,最后又有一个科学家通过检查样本中的化学成分支持了新观点。
有主旨题。
我的材料:
暂时没有搜到啊,建议大家看看OG12中关于ICE age的文章,有助于熟悉词汇。
2.1.4 考古

研究1:实验 结论:lastest ice age tropical ocean 升温2度比其它地方(+5度)少

1976年,科学家C进行研究1。 研究溫度的媒介:tropical region海洋里f物种的骨架子+ tropical 海底的Sediment。这种f物种只聚集在温暖的地方, 而这种物种在热带地方很多   得出热带海洋降温的比其它水域少。T的研究同時也反映tropical land和其他地方的land的溫度比較關係。              然而研究1的结果在当时并没有任何理论可以去证实。

 研究2/recent studies(1976年后)--- (C自己研究内容文献里就说了)existing finding :            tropical land的温度变化的都一样。(所以好多别的studies就说C研究1不对了)

 因此有了研究3(G )--- 實驗結果證實了研究2“温度变化是universal”
G不用f物种研究,而是用和研究1相同方法去测量B海岸里coral中的chemical sensitive to temperature,显示这个化学物质和该珊瑚所在的区域的水温是有关系的,所以没办法Prove 研究1。

问题:
Q1主旨
1 compare两种观点
2 advocate后者 (作者没有明确态度支持谁)

Q2从研究3 (G)的研究可以infer什么?/G的研究indicate了什么?

E 错说temperature cooling 会让珊瑚生长缓慢什么的。
(文章里只说了化学物质DEPEND ON THE CHANGE OF海水温度,没说成正反比)

Q3 研究3(G)用什么证明研究1是错的?
(定位文章中间位置)coral中的chemical

Q4 研究3(G)发现了什么?
化学物质和该珊瑚所在的区域的水温是有关系的

Q5  C的研究的结论不正确,跟一下那个选项有矛盾?

Q6 研究3 (G)的實驗結果證明了什麼? 从G的研究可以推论出什么?
1 ocean and land 溫度差多少啦,
2  tropical land 和其他地方溫度怎麼樣啦   (1,2文章沒有直接給)
D, G的實驗證明了B海岸的海水in fact cooled.  (以最少文章資訊得到最broad答案)



Q7 recent study(研究2) 說明了C的研究的什麼?
D’s study is limited it can not support a hypothesis about ocean water 類似的.
干擾選項: D’s study is inaccurate because the sediment used…. 错(文章沒inaccurate.)

Q8  C的结论为什么是problematic? C的问题出在哪里?
跟existing finding矛盾 (原文说了since1976好多别的studies就说他不对了)
他的证据里面有自相矛盾.G就发现了
Q问1976年研究的那波人,他们的研究导致了下列的那个结果?
别的研究者开始质疑他们把tropic ocean sediment作为evidence。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:30

2.1.5特殊植物(原文)
   词汇:pollination授粉  mimicry  模仿  entice  诱使 怂恿
Pollination study comes up with new insights
Dipannita Das, TNN, Nov 5, 2010, 01.43am IST
      PUNE: Did you know that inflorescence can deceive its pollinators (beetles and bees) by mimicking an egg-laying site through a nauseating gaseous stench. With this deception, the plants achieve pollination授粉 without actually providing any reward to the insects.有种花序,他通过排放一种很臭的气味来模仿产卵来欺骗给它授粉的蜜蜂之类的东东。这样它不需要任何reward就能得到授粉。(貌似感觉是这个蜜蜂闻到这个味儿会咋个起样)
      This observation was made in Amorphophallus species(tuberous herbaceous plants), commonly known as corpse flower or elephant foot yam belonging to the Arum family in the northern parts of the Western Ghats and Konkan region, by scientists Sachin A Punekar and K P N Kumaranof the Agharkar Research Institute here. This work is a kind of first from the Indian subcontinent addressing the pollen morphology and pollination ecology of these species.然后说这个是科学家A和KPN发现的,给了些和它们类似的或者起源的东东。然后说这种行为最初来自印度次大陆那些种类(我想起生活大爆炸了raj)...的授花形态学和授粉生态的啥哦
      Another aspect found in a large number of these species is the process of heating. The spadix (a type of inflorescence) produces 30-45 degree Celsius heat during at least the first night, when flowers become susceptible and pollinators are attracted to it.关于这个种类的另外一个方面的发现是加热的过程。一个东东在花能被授粉者吸引的时候,至少会产生30到45 的高温在头天晚上。
     The research paper was published this year in Elsevier research journal Flora Morphology, Distribution, Functional Ecology of Plants and has been recently cited under the top 25 hottest articles under the environmental science theme.The present study, using scanning electron microscope, delves adequately on this topic. It can be utilised as an important tool to distinguish taxa (group of organism) and also to resolve taxonomic problems, Punekar said.介绍了一篇描述这种现象的文章的地位,和他所采用的方法。  和这个方法能有怎样的效果。
      The inflorescence form的形态 and shape形状 plays a significant role in attracting insects. Amorphophallus have a very strong and obnoxious odour臭味. The odour of each species has a characteristic chemical composition, Punekar said. In many species, the odour is a nauseating gaseous stench. This odour attracts pollinator insects that breed or feed on dung, decaying matter or fungi. 授粉动物会被恶臭吸引,因为他们都是“吃屎长大的”,囧-。这段就在解释为啥子那个花序能用发出恶臭来欺骗蜜蜂了。-This also results in pollinators meeting their sexual partners and completing their reproductive cycle, he said.导致了他们怎样找性伴侣和繁衍后代。
      The study observes five phases of insect trapping in Amorphophallus species, which facilitate pollination.研究了5个阶段的昆虫,其行为促进了授粉
      The initial phase of attracting beetles from a distance is possibly based on a visual trap resulting from the inflorescence size and form and the frequency of the plant in a particular area. 第一种是通过距离来让蜜蜂去找。基于那个花序的大小形状和在某个区域那个植物出现的频率In the second phase, beetles get attracted from a distance by the odour trap, where the appendix emits a stench. 第二个,蜜蜂受到了appendix发出的恶臭的吸引。In the third phase, most of the insects fall to the bottom of the spathe via a slippery trap provided by the wet appendix.大多数的蜜蜂通过很滑的通道跑到一种植物的底部
      During the fourth phase of pollination, the insects, attracted by a food trap, crawl over the pistillate zoneand staminate zone. Here, the visual attraction act as baits.收到事物的吸引,爬过有雌蕊的地方。   此时,它的视觉收到诱饵的吸引
In the last phase, the trapped insects get shelter from light inside the kettle and meet sexual partners, achieving copulation and sometimes lay their eggs. 被诱捕的蜜蜂在kettle里受到了光的庇护然后遇到了性伴侣,繁衍下蛋。
      铁锤兰 铁锤兰的颜色和味道就像是生肉,它是一种生长于澳大利亚的植物,这类植物的特点在于一个窄窄的铰接茎干上均长着似昆虫的唇瓣和一个有翼柱壮物携带花粉和柱头 。铁锤兰的授粉方式十分独特,它会把自己装扮成雌性黄蜂的模样,勾引雄性黄蜂过来交配。
    在《PLoS Biology》学报上刊登的最新研究成果指出,全球授粉动物多样性的破坏会威胁植物群落的可持续发展。
由于每隔16年就有一次动物灭绝危机,因此动物多样性的丧失对于生态系统的扰动程度还不能确定。植物是地球的初级生产者,而扮演植物再生重要角色的授粉动物越来越受到重视。这种植物——授粉动物的互利关系十分特殊,一个物种的消失甚至会威胁到别的物种的存在。Colin Fontaine等人通过自然条件下对植物和授粉动物相互关系的实验,发现全球授粉动物多样性的破坏会威胁植物群落的可持续发展。
研究人员用了不同的植物(全开的花和未全开放的花)和口器长短不同的昆虫(食蚜蝇和大黄蜂)进行实验。授粉动物选择了各自适合的植物:食蚜蝇选择的大都是全开的花朵,蜜蜂选择的大都是未全开放的花朵。蜜蜂也可以在全开的花上授粉,但是只要有未全开放的花朵,它们就会放弃全开的花。授粉者的出现,会使授粉更高效,使植物再生更成功。当实验减少授粉动物种类时,发现物种的丧失会影响植物——授粉动物群落,进而最终触发生物多样性危机,并通过食物链反映出来。
大约有70%的植物依靠动物授粉,而至少有82种哺乳动物授粉者和103种鸟类授粉者已经灭绝或者濒临灭绝,这是亟需重视的问题。

第一段:是说印度生物学家发现的一个现象,虽然很多人认为Unbelievable,但最后还是被证实了。就一种植物能模仿真菌,吸引小虫来授粉。
第二段是详细介绍这种怎么植物模仿。
最后一段是说也有一些其他植物也这样,共同特点有odor,color,shape,texture之类的。

Q1:问题只记得一个了。。就是文章从哪些角度写那种特殊植物的。应该选color和texture,因为第二段就是从这两方面写的。
Q2:关于这个植物的某个器官,哪项叙述是正确的。那个器官好像是柱头吧,原文说虫子把卵产在上面,但可能因为上面有什么物质,卵是孵化不出来的。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:30

2.1.6 Concrete
第一段介绍concrete的作用,处理方法(这里有题,原文改写)
第二段说细菌对concrete应该有好的影响,但是细菌的存货时间很短,只有几天,所以其实是没有用的。
然后有个J做了一个实验,证明细菌对concrete还是有用的,因为数量猛增,而且其实可以活的很长,几个月甚至几年。
接下去又对J的实验部分否定,提出了另一个approach(很短,属于延伸部分),说在吧细菌加到concrete之前可以先做一个处理,这里有类比题,问这个处理和选项的哪个相似。
V2 by 小右twister 700+
关于concrete容易破碎的问题解决方法的讨论
Concrete有一种问题,就是在水渗进去的时候,受热胀冷缩的影响会crack(和一般的rock一样,这是第二个题目好像)
然后科学家就发明了一种方法,向concrete中加上了一种bacteria,这种bacteria(这个bacteria和另外一种加入的化学成分形成了另一种成分,这也是个考题,问的是哪种是concrete中原来就有的),但是有一个缺陷,就是这种bacteria在concrete中活不久
然后就发明了另一种方法,将bacteria先放到clay中,再放到concrete中,这样bacteria的寿命就能延长到even a year(有一题问的是哪一种情况最影响这种先放到clay的方法的可行性,类似于逻辑的weaken题)
文章大意:concrete容易破碎的问题解决方法的讨论

P1:Concrete有一种问题,就是在水渗进去的时候,受热胀冷缩的影响会crack
P2:然后科学家就发明了一种方法,向concrete中加上了一种bacteria,这种bacteria(这个bacteria和另外一种加入的化学成分形成了另一种成分,这也是个考题,问的是哪种是concrete中原来就有的),但是有一个缺陷,就是这种bacteria在concrete中活不久
P3:然后就发明了另一种方法,将bacteria先放到clay中,再放到concrete中,这样bacteria的寿命就能延长到even a year(有一题问的是哪一种情况最影响这种先放到clay的方法的可行性,类似于逻辑的weaken题)

Q1:哪种是concrete中原来就有的,除了细菌外的另一种成分
Q2:哪一种情况最影响这种先放到clay的方法的可行性
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:30

2.1.7 生物种群的多样性
[attach]12114[/attach]
[attach]12115[/attach]
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:32

Lentic freshwater habitats in temperate regions exist along a gradient from small ephemeral ponds to large permanent lakes. This environmental continuum is a useful axis for understanding how attributes of individuals ultimately generate structure at the level of the community. Lentic freshwater 这个东东流淌在一定温度的区域,伴随着从小的暂时性的池塘到大的永久性的湖泊这种梯度环境生存着。这种环境现象对理解个体最终是怎样在这样的群体结构中产生的很有利。(说了一个现象)
解释:1.Community structure across the gradient is determined by both (a) physical factors, such as pond drying and winter anoxia(缺氧), that limit the potential breadth of species distributions, and (b) biotic effects mediated by ecological interactions, principally predation, that determine the realized success of species. Fitness tradeoffs(健康的取舍) associated with a few critical traits of individuals often form the basis for species turnover along the gradient.Among species that inhabit temporary ponds, distributions are often constrained because traits that enhance developmental rate and competitive ability also increase susceptibility to predators. In permanent ponds, changes in the composition of major predators over the gradient limit distributions of prey species because traits that reduce mortality risk in one region of the gradient cause increased risk in other regions of the gradient. 讲了这种结构的两个决定性因素a和b.然后讲“发育”的好不好的原因在于trait。分别阐述了在pond和lake中它会怎么样,比如有利于prayer和不利于prayer.等的原因。
2.Integrated across the gradient, these patterns in species success generate distinct patterns in community structure. Additionally, spatial heterogeneity(空间性的不同种的) among habitats along the gradient and the fitness tradeoffs created by this heterogeneity may hold important evolutionary implications for habitat specialization and lineage diversification in aquatic taxa.讲了影响。和水生taxa进化的原因
提醒大家这题的狗一定要小心看,因为明显有几个狗之间是互相矛盾的,关于predator多还是少这个问题
3.Importantly,this constraint prevents colonization(定居) by many key predators found elsewhere on the gradient because fish and important predatory invertebrates such as dragonfly larvae are highly susceptible to pond drying. Temporary pond habitats thus often contain fewer predators than do more permanent habitats (149, 208).为什么pond的捕食者比lake的少 In shallow permanent ponds, physical stresses  such as low oxygen levels during periods of ice cover can impose heavy mortality(死亡) on fish (28, 127, 177).举例说明前面       得出结论Thus well-developed fish communities are often restricted to relatively deep permanent habitats  养好鱼要受到深度和永久性的限制
结论哇?Strong negative interactions,through either predation or competition, may prevent survival of affected populations,and thus restrict the distribution of these species to a narrow range of the gradient Temporaryhabitats are characterized by very active and rapidly developing species and few predators (149, 208). Permanent but fishless habitats have communities composed of large predatory invertebrates 因为竞争和捕猎,这些负面影响可能组织那些幸存的种类繁衍,而且因此限制了他们分布成一个狭窄的梯度型的生存模式?(一种特征是很活跃和发展很迅速而且被捕的机率很晓得种类)
composition of different ponds
第一段:对比死水和活水里生物种群的多样性一个是ephemeral的池塘,一个是permanent的池塘,对同一种tadpole。说活水和死水里生物种群的多样性是不一样的,但是为什么呢?
第二段:在活水里可能是因为物种繁殖的速度(development的时间)决定了这个物种是否能存活,如果还没development完水就dry up了,就不能存活。繁殖速度足够快,才能在活水里存活下来。如果这是唯一的原因的话,死水里的种群多样性应该高于活水,但是捏,你懂得,没有这么简单。。。科学家们又发现,一些死水里的种群还不如活水多,介个又是为什么捏~
第三段科学家就研究了predator 和 competition of resources的关系,这可能是因为死水里捕食者predator多,使得死水里生物种类少。而活水里捕食者少,各种群之间主要为了争夺有限的资源而发生矛盾,限制了他们的数量(有题)

这篇文章的结构很简单,就是提出一个观点,然后用两个例子来证明。
一开始就提出观点:即在保护环境方面,我们缺乏一些概括性的原则来指导我们究竟如何保护环境。所以有的时候我们都不知道应该怎么下手、建立哪些具体的目标。比如在生态系统的多样性方面和整个生态系统的健康方面应该如何取舍,因为有的时候当一个生态系统的多样性提高了,整个生态系统的健康反而受到了损害。然后下面就举了两个例子来证明这一点。
第一个例子:大概就是说某一生态系统里面的一个物种种类增加,多样性提高,但是这种多样性提高是由于引进了一些外来物种,虽然物种种类增加,但是也损害了生态系统的健康。
第二个例子:不好意思实在没在状态,没太看懂,但是大体上可以知道,也是证明上面那个观点的。
题目:
1、好像是问举第一个例子有什么用。我本来觉得不就是用来证明“当一个生态系统的多样性提高的时候,这个生态系统的健康反而会受到损害”这个观点的吗,或者是“有的时候当我们保护了环境的某一方面时,又损害了另一个方面”,但找了半天也没找到。记不清我选的哪个了。
2、好像有主旨题。
3.有一个问题问的是阶段性干涸的水里的鱼的竞争方式,不知道我有没有看反。。。
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:32

2.1.8 农作物
第一段perennial plant的野生的作物和Annual的作物对比,和普通我们种植的作物的区别,他的优点有神马,包括不需要施肥,不会遭虫子。什么防止水土流失,给野生动物提供食物。
第二段就说了一下我们老祖宗是怎么慢慢开始农作物耕种的,这段介绍了Annual最后成为了我们的标准农作物的原因是因为祖先经过几代的筛选,而P没有成为标准农作物是因为P生长周期很短,因此不需要人工特别挑选,需要得时候就到野外去找就是。(这个地方有个题目问为啥P没有成为主要的作物)
然后后面第三段,第四段就是我们要把P Domesticated!可以杂交,也可以培育P,而P的缺点是产种率低,低的原因是植物把大部分的营养资源都用来抵抗旱灾,抵抗虫子了,我们如果能够对P进行一些修改(这个地方会考一个题目,问要把P的哪个能力给河蟹掉,要河蟹的就是抵抗旱灾的能力,因为家养后会有人工灌溉,不需要植物本身再耗费资源去抵抗旱灾了),这样就可以取长补短。这样P以后前途无量啊。(主旨题一个)
【v2】第三段说科学家现在正试图改造这类野生作物,使它们更有经济效益,但是有人对科学家的这种做法提出质疑,因为野生作物要分散资源给根系,防虫害等,所以它们产粮食的能力就会下降,尽管它们是野生的数量很多。然后科学家又反驳了,说最近在尝试改造它们,让它们既保留原来的优点,又能有经济效益

我的材料:
我觉得这篇文章讲的可能是植物驯化Corp domestication,待验证。
(以下是两种被驯化的P植物,待确认)
      Proso millet (Panicum miliaceum) is also known as common millet, hog millet or white millet. Both the wild ancestor and the location of domestication of proso millet are unknown, but it first appears as a crop in both Transcaucasia and China about 7,000 years ago, suggesting that it may have been domesticated independently in each area. It is still extensively cultivated in India, Russia, Ukraine, the Middle East, Turkey and Romania. In the United States, proso is mainly grown for birdseed. It is sold as health food and due to its lack of gluten it can be included in the diets of people who cannot tolerate wheat.
Pearl millet (Pennisetum glaucum) is the most widely grown type of millet. Grown in Africa and the Indian subcontinent since prehistoric times, it is generally accepted that pearl millet originated in Africa and was subsequently introduced into India. The earliest archaeological records in India date to 2000 BC, so domestication in Africa must have taken place earlier. Its origin has been traced to tropical Africa. The center of diversity for the crop is in the Sahel zone of West Africa. Cultivation subsequently spread to east and southern Africa, and southern Asia. Records exist for cultivation of pearl millet in the United States in the 1850s, and the crop was introduced into Brazil in the 1960s.

植物驯化的知识:
瓦维洛夫承认他的“植物地理学分化”说并不尽如理想,又创造了一个“次中心”的概念,以说明多样性中心并不等于起源中心这一事实,而实际上次中心的变异往往比真正的驯化中心还要大。真正的中心是可以逐个予以证实的。他还提出一个“次生作物”(secondary crop)的概念,说次生作物是从古老的杂草或原始作物衍生而来,他以黑麦和燕麦为例,当农业从近东中心和地中海中心向北欧传播时,杂草黑麦和杂草燕麦就作为小麦田及大麦田的“杂质”一起跟随着传播,在这个过程中,黑麦与燕麦远离它们的故乡,发展成为驯化种系,即次生作物。Edgar
Anderson (1954)深受瓦维洛夫的影响,认为农作物常常可以由杂草衍生而来。
Zeven和Zhykovsky
汇总各家学说,把栽培植物起源的顺序作了如下归纳:
      1.人们采集野生植物。
      2.野生植物的果实、种子、块根的一部分,或采集来的果实、种子、块根的一部分,被带到临时的或半永久性的住所附近,之后,这些子实块根的一部分被遗留或有意地丢在这里,这种情况要持续很长的时间。
      3.只有最先适应的,高度变异的野生植物,能在住所附近占据被干扰过的土壤。人们从这些“杂草植物”中选取需用的植株的某些部分。
      4.不利的自然选择压力减少了,有利的选择压力被引进了,变异减少了,但因杂交和突变而增多的变异抵消了这种减少,继之以隔离,保护和选择,导致了来自野生表现型的更多的“变员”(deviants)能够存活。这种变员属于“穭生植物区系”(ruderal flora),或“居住地杂草植物区系”(habitation weed flora)。这个阶段称之为“前农业”(proto-agriculture)时期。
      5.当需求超过了可能,人类对某些植物的依赖性更增加了,于是他就开始清除野生的杂草,或采取措施,以改进这些需求植物的生长。当人类的活动超出植物所能供应的范围,他就学会保留种子等办法。当植物生长在它原先生长的范围以外,人们就有目的地为植物翻动土壤,以便能更多地收获这些野生植物,这时,野草便变为一种作物了。这个阶段可称之为“初期农业”(incipient agriculture)。
      6.作物的进一步改进是通过半有意的和有意的改善农艺方法和植物类型,这个阶段可称为“有效的农业”(effective agriculture)。完全驯化的植物先要经过“部分驯化”的阶段,包括“穭生植物”(ruderal plants,是指野生于人类居住的环境中,不同于野生于自然界中,也不同于野生在栽培的田间),

      “居住地杂草”(habitation weeds),和“垃圾堆植物”(rubbish heap plants)。凡是对人们有用的植物总是受到重视保护。
      最早的作物祖先必然具有杂草的特征,并且有很大的“食物”贮备,能抗干旱和耐贫瘠的土壤,没有多年生植物与它们竞争。在栽培条件下,通过反复的物种间、类型间、生态型间和种系间的分化及杂交周期而诱发变异。在分化的时期里,植物处于遗传的、种的、栽培的和杂交障碍的隔离状态之下。例如,杂交要受到从异花授粉向自花受粉转换的妨碍,受到开花期的改变或生态适应性改变的妨碍;有性繁殖的二倍体植物,其分化作用的时期要比无性繁殖的多倍体植物短得多。短的距离可以只有几百米,如斜坡上生长野生型,山谷地里生长栽培驯化植物。发生于驯化植物与杂草或野生亲缘间的杂交,常常导致一种“双向的基因流”(two-way gene flow),当栽培的基因一显性时,它们就很少机会生存于杂草或野生植物中,如玉米和大刍草(maize-teosine)所表现的那样。杂草和野生亲缘的滋生,对于向日葵有很大影响,由于杂交,变异就会增多,适应性就会扩大;变异愈大,适应性愈广,该作物可以栽培的地方也愈广泛。
      驯化的速度取决于一个世代的长短,禾谷类的一个世代通常为一年,而无性繁殖的植物就不能期望有较快的改变。Braidwood及Howe (1962 )的估计,小麦和大麦的主要改变需要2000年以内,Helback (1966)的估计是1 500年。有些物种是因某种目的而被驯化的,
      Anderson (1960 )和Chang( 1970 )认为最早的栽培植物不是粮食作物,而是一些为了纹身、居住地筑栅栏、取毒、咀嚼、麻醉、宗教的目的而栽培。或者为了制作容器(竹筒、葫芦果实、)绳索、药草而栽培。这些植物都是原始人所需用的,一旦人们非依赖它们不可,人们就开始栽培它们。
      但是绝大多数的科学家相信最先驯化的是粮食作物。Burkill (1950 )列出他认为驯化作物的次序是:①禾谷类;②豆类;③绿肥;④油料种子;⑤块根类;⑥草本果实;⑦纤维;⑧木本果树;⑨各种工业用植物。
有些野生禾草植物非常适于驯化,因为它们能结大量的种子,它们成片成群的生长,很便于集体收获,它们的种子供食用,茎叶供饲料,种子又易贮藏,人类不会对此视而不见。不论这些学者的观点多么分歧,但他们对中国的看法则颇为一致,中国在他们的心中,都据有突出的地位,
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:33

2.1.9 热带气温下降
V1 by angella0228 710
第三篇是关于热带气温下降的
说热带气温就下降了2度,别的地方都下降了5度。没人可以解释这个。一个科学家G做research发现海里一个什么动物的化石好像,表明他在***时候活着,而那个动物要在很高的温度才能生存,所以就觉得在***时候的气温就下降了2度。而陆地上证据表面下降的更多,和海洋不一致什么的,然后就cast doubt to 科学家G的结论。于是另一个科学家研究了一下发现那个人是错的,每个地方下降的温度都一样。
(1)    问G的research作用
(2)    另一个人的研究发现了什么

V2 by coollijun v40
2.1.9 气温  做到这里的时候时间关系,很快过的原文就选了答案,所以记不起来,没法补充啦。
问题一: 1976年后的那个陆地研究有何意义?
问题一: 主旨题
问题三: 细节题
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:33

2.2.1 steam egenier
关于steam egenier 的效用
传统观念认为可以提高效率, 减少燃料消耗,但是又有一些人反对,说事实上这会引起燃料消耗的增加,因为效率提高人们用coal的成本就低了, 事实证明也是这样,一般是刚开始时候燃料消耗减少,之后就更多的增加。

第一段说有些把资源的大量损耗归结为传统的steam engine,所以建议开发新的更省资源的。
然后一个人提出这样做不会达到省资源的目的,因为开发新的机器虽然会减少能耗,但会提高人们的利用率。
最后引用了一个例子。用一个叫W的engine在一个城市。这个城市在用W初期,资源的耗费确实减少了,但过了几年,资源的耗费就成倍的增长。

V4 by weiyibin139
考到了蒸汽机的那一篇,文章只有半屏幕,很短,而且不是很难,传统的观点认为蒸汽机增加了烧煤的效率,所以就会使用煤减少,但是S的研究表明,增加了烧煤的效率,但是使用煤成本降低,用煤量反而增多,最后举了Scotland的例子,Scotland采用了W的蒸汽机增加了烧煤的效率,但用煤量反而增多了。
考题:主旨题,以及问举例W的蒸汽机的作用,都是很简单的,不过在高分题库里,做的时候要小心(这是我最后一篇阅读,而且我确定我前几篇阅读做的很好)
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:33

2.2.2 limb进化
讨论limb是怎么从鱼类进化来得,第一段说limb是当鱼从干了水域挪到另一个水域的过程中逐渐进化出来的。第二段提出新的观点说limb是当鱼还是什么水生物在水里时就进化出来了,用以让它把头抬出水面呼吸。第三段记不起来了
V2 by joandjaygbd 710
新老观点并提出解释,讲vertebrate怎么evolve legs
第一段:Fish 先cross dry land 再evolve legs
第二段:但是,a new finding of fossils of S(一种鱼) 显示,fish evolve legs in aquatic conditions.
第三段:解释为什么,讲了limb 的作用,可以帮助它们从水里探头出来,呼吸还是干嘛~~~
Q:第一段的作用
V3 by 风雨楼台
是说关于水生动物陆地进化过程中leg是什么时候长出来的,讲到了两种fossil来证明。
V4 by lnl
第一段,介绍一般鱼下LEG的时候都是先CROSS到DRY的地方再下LEG
第二段,最近的关于一个XX化石的研究发现,XX是在aquatic condition下下LEG,然后就 介 绍XX特殊处,说什么什么可以保证在水中呼吸,还有什么器官太大到陆地上会向下沉(考到推 断题)
第三段忘记了。。
考到了第一大段的作用
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:34

2.2.3 GWD27 q3-q6(原文)
GWD-27-Q3-Q6 鸟为什么会飞的两种理论
Two opposing scenarios,        两种解释鸟飞的假设:树栖和疾走。
the “arboreal” hypothesis and
the “cursorial” hypothesis, have
Line traditionally been put forward con-
(5)  cerning the origins of bird flight.
The “arboreal” hypothesis holds      树栖论说鸟祖先爬上树滑行下来,随
that bird ancestors began to fly       着羽毛越来越大,最终飞了起来。
by climbing frees and gliding
down from branches with the
(10) help of incipient feathers: the
height of trees provides a good
starting place for launching flight,
especially through gliding. As
feathers became larger over time,
(15) flapping flight evolved and birds
finally became fully air-borne.
This hypothesis makes intuitive       树栖论的问题:始祖鸟和M恐龙没有
Sense, but certain aspects are         明显的栖树适应性,如合适的脚。
Troubling. Archaeopteryx (the
(20) earliest known bird) and its
maniraptoran dinosaur cousins
have no obviously arboreal
adaptations, such as feet fully
adapted for perching. Perhaps        没分析显示始祖鸟曾用前肢爬树和飞,
(25) some of them could climb trees,
but no convincing analysis has
demonstrated how Archaeopteryx
would have both climbed and
flown with its forelimbs, and there
(30) were no plants taller than a few       始祖鸟化石发现的地方也没有发现高
meters in the environments where      树。
Archaeopteryx fossils have been
found. Even if the animals could       即使它会爬树也不表明会滑翔。
climb trees, this ability is not
(35) synonymous with gliding ability.
(Many small animals, and even
some goats and kangaroos,
are capable of climbing trees
but are not gliders.) Besides,
(40) Archaeopteryx shows no obvi-
ous features of gliders, such as        它没明显的滑翔特征。
a broad membrane connecting
forelimbs and hind limbs.
   The “cursorial”(running)
(45) hypothesis holds that small           疾走论认为鸟为了躲避猎食者,奔跑
dinosaurs ran along the ground        并张开双臂平行
and stretched out their arms for
balance as they leaped into the
air after insect prey or, perhaps,
(50) to avoid predators. Even rudi-         前肢的原始特征能帮助身体稍微升高
mentary feathers on forelimbs
could have expanded the arm’s
surface area to enhance lift
slightly. Larger feathers could         然后鸟慢慢就飞起来了。
(55) have increased lift incrementally,
until sustained flight was gradu-
ally achieved. Of course, a leap
into the air does not provide the
acceleration produced by drop-
(60) ping out of a tree; an animal
would have to run quite fast
to take off. Still, some small
terrestrial animals can achieve
high speeds. The cursorial
(65) hypothesis is strengthened by
the fact that the immediate the-         兽脚亚目恐龙祖先拥有各种疾走的
ropod dinosaur ancestors of            特点。
birds were terrestrial, and they
had the traits needed for high
(70) lift off speeds: they were small,
agile, lightly built, long-legged,         另外,
and good runners. And because         它们用两足走,双臂有空用来拍打。
they were bipedal, their arms
were free to evolve flapping flight,
(75) which cannot be said for other
reptiles of their time.

---------------------------------------------------------
Q 3:
The primary purpose of the passage is to

A.        present counterevidence to two hypotheses concerning the origins of  bird flight
B.        propose and alternative to two hypotheses concerning the origins of bird flight
correct certain misconceptions about hypotheses concerning the  origins of bird flight
C.        (missing)
D.        refute a challenge to a hypothesis concerning the origins of bird flight
E.        evaluate competing hypotheses concerning the origins of bird flight

---------------------------------------------------
Q 4:
The passage presents which of the following facts as evidence that tends to undermine the arboreal hypothesis?

A.        Feathers tend to become larger over time
B.        Flapping flight is thought to have evolved gradually over time
C.        Many small animals are capable of climbing trees.
D.        Plants in Archaeopteryx’s known habitats were relatively small
E.        Leaping into the air does not provide as much acceleration as gliding out of a tree

------------------------------------------------
Q 5:
Which of the following is included in the discussion of the cursorial hypothesis but not in the discussion of the arboreal hypothesis?

A.        A discussion of some of the features of Archaeopteryx
B.        A description of the environment known to have been inhabited by bird ancestors
C.        A possible reason why bird ancestors might have been engaging in activities that eventually evolved into flight
D.        A description of the obvious features of animals with gliding ability
E.        An estimate of the amount of time it took for bird ancestors to evolve the kind of flapping flight that allowed them to become completely airborne

-------------------------------------------------
Q 6:
The passage suggests which of the following regarding the climbing ability of Archaeopteryx?

A.        Its ability to climb trees was likely hindered by the presence of incipient feathers on its forelimbs.
B.        It was probably better at climbing trees than were its maniraptoran dinosaur cousins.
C.        It had certain physical adaptations that suggest it was skilled at climbing trees.
D.        Scientists have recently discovered fossil evidence suggesting it could not climb trees.
E.        Scientists are uncertain whether it was capable of climbing trees
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:34

2.2.4 伽利略水泵
关于气压的理论,伽利略合理接受力亚里士多德的部分理论,却在further research中astray了;然后另一个人discover了正确的理论
伽利略关于水能在pump里面通过多高的认识,后来说伽利略的认识是错误的,然后提出了另外一个人的观点
题目:1. 主旨,备选答案记得有 A-说明伽利略在发现某问题里的作用 B-描述 a series of scientists 不断找寻某答案的过程(我选的这个)C-说明两种实质相同的,对某现象的解释/推论方法(应该是一对一错,不是实质相同吧)
2.问了以下哪些因素与水可以上升的高度无关 选项包括什么 水管的直径 和什么什么的
3.一个小列举的提问(影响。。。的factors有哪些。。。关键词我给忘了。。。)
4.问哪个不影响实验结果还是什么的,选项有weight of water, pressure of air, width of the pipe, height of the water, 还有一个不记得了
5.还有道题第一段有几行字highlight,大概是说伽利略学过一个A什么的人的一个discovery,问这句话有什么用,我选的是伽利略如何被mislead,不过应该错了
背景知识
阅读材料:感谢xibao大人!狗主人确定!
Galileo’s parti non quante seem to account for his curious physical treatment of vacua. His attention had been directed to failure of suction pumps and siphons for columns of water beyond a fixed height. He accounted for this by treating water as a material having its own limited tensile strength, on the analogy of rope or copper wire, which will break of its own weight if sufficiently long. The cohesion of matter seemed to him best explained by the existence of minute vacua. Not only did he fail to suggest the weight of air as an explanation of the siphon phenomena, but he rejected that explanation when it was clearly offered to him in a letter by G. B. Baliani. Yet Galileo was not only familiar with the weight of air; he had himself devised practicable methods for its determination, set forth in this same book, giving even the correction for the buoyancy of the air in which the weighing was conducted.
重要提示:http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Galileo.aspx这个是原地址, 介绍Galileo 生平. 然后大家search pump, 第一个pump的那一段就是了
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:34

2.2.5 galaxy cluster
V1 by cgzjessieli740
第三篇是讲什么galaxy cluster 和galaxy,还提到black whole, heating cooling(关键词有了,大家自己google一下~~), 反正第一段说发现一个现象,然后和什么不符(好像),第二段给出一个能解释的factor, 第三段,完了,彻底失忆了~~~
GWD27-Q10 to Q12:
      Astronomers theorize that a black hole forms when a massive object shrinks catastrophically under its own gravity, leaving only a gravitational field so strong that nothing escapes it. Astronomers must infer the existence of black holes, which are invisible, from their gravitational influence on the visible bodies surrounding them. For example, observations indicate that gas clouds in galaxy M87 are whirling unusually fast about the galaxy’s center. Most astronomers believe that the large concentration of mass at the galaxy’s center is a black hole whose gravity is causing the gas to whirl. A few skeptics have argued that the concentration of mass necessary to explain the speed of the whirling gas is not necessarily a black hole: the concentration in M87 might be a cluster of a billion or so dim stars.
    The same hypothesis might have been applied to the galaxy NGC 4258, but the notion of such a cluster’s existing in NGC 4258 was severely undermined when astronomers measured the speed of a ring of dust and gas rotating close to the galaxy’s center. From its speed, they calculated that the core’s density is more than 40 times the density estimated for any other galaxy.  If the center of NGC 4258 were a star cluster, the stars would be so closely spaced that collisions between individual stars would have long ago torn the cluster apart.
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:35

2.2.6        海洋动物
V1 by 小贝elaine
大致讲的是海里的两种动物(一个是鱼类 另一个忘了什么东西了)有着很特殊的生存关系。它们从不互相作为猎食对象,其中一种动物活着的时候还生存在那个鱼类的背上,而不寄生在鱼类背上的这一类动物也不会被鱼类吃掉。还讲到这类动物在活着的时候才会寄生在鱼身上,死了就自动离开了。这是前面两段的内容。
最后一段出现了两次高亮:第一次是大约4行左右的词被高亮,第一个词是Yet开头的,问题是这段高亮的话能说明什么问题之类的。
第二次是最后一段全段高亮,太长了,各种意思 基本有点看晕的状态,问题也是和全段总体内容相关的,具体题目实在想不起来了,对不起啊!
哦,对了,在文章中后部分(忘了是哪段了),写到现在还没有出现什么方法能完全清晰的说明这两种生物之间的生存关系一类。(这地方有题,问题。。。记不清了 哇)
作者: clubman    时间: 2011-6-21 11:35

2.2.7行星颜色
V1 by 小贝Elaine
是一种行星还是什么的 现在的颜色和10年(还是20年)前的颜色不一样了,是因为blabla因素,blabla因素,阐述这两个因素的句子不算太长,较容易懂。然后提到这行星的温度和它的一个什么条件有关:下面解释的是温度和此条件呈负相关的关系,即温度increase了,此条件就decrease了(这里有根据这个负相关关系所出的细节题:问题意思是一个升高了,会引起什么样的变化),记得还有一道跟全文观点有关的题目,具体怎么问的 记不清了。。。再次抱歉啊!!




欢迎光临 国际顶尖MBA申请交流平台--TOPWAY MBA (http://forum.topway.org/) Powered by Discuz! 7.2