Q25 to 28

   In mid-February 1917 a

women’s movement independent

of political affiliation erupted in

Line New York City, the stronghold of

(5) the Socialist party in the United

   states. Protesting against the high

   cost of living, thousands of women

   refused to buy chickens, fish, and

   vegetables. The boycott shut.

(10) down much of the City’s foodstuffs

    marketing for two weeks, riveting

    public attention on the issue of

    food prices, which had increased

    partly as a result of increased

(15) exports of food to Europe that had

    been occurring since the outbreak

of the First World War.

    By early 1917 the Socialist

party had established itself as a

(20) major political presence in New

York City. New York Socialists,

whose customary spheres of

    struggle were electoral work and

    trade union organizing, seized the

(25) opportunity and quickly organized

an extensive series of cost-of-

living protests designed to direct

the women’s movement toward

Socialist goals. Underneath the

(30) Socialists’ brief commitment to

cost-of-living organizing lay a

basic indifference to the issue

itself. While some Socialists did

view price protests as a direct

(35) step toward socialism, most

Socialists ultimately sought to

divert  the cost-of-living movement

into alternative channels of protest.

Union organizing, they argued,

(40) was the best method through which

to combat the high cost of living.

For others, cost-of-living or oganiz-

ing was valuable insofar as it led

women into the struggle for suf-

(45) frage, and similarly, the suffrage

struggle was valuable insofar as

it moved United States society

one step closer to socialism.

    Although New York’s Social-

(50) ists saw the cost-of-living issue

as, at best ,secondary or tertiary

to the real task at hand, the boy-

cotters, by sharp contrast, joined

the price protest movement out of

(55) an urgent and deeply felt commit-

ment to the cost-of-living issue.

A shared experience of swiftly

declining living standards caused

by rising food prices drove these

(60) women to protest. Consumer

    organizing spoke directly to their

daily lives and concerns; they

saw cheaper food as a valuable

end in itself. Food price protests

(65) were these women’s way of orga-

nizing at their own workplace, as

workers whose occupation was

shopping and preparing food for

their families.

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Q25

The author suggests which of the following about

the New York Socialists’ commitment to the cost-

of-living movement?

A.     It lasted for a relatively short period of time.

B.     It was stronger than their commitment to the

Suffrage struggle.

C.  It predated the cost-of-living protests that

Erupted in 1917.

D.  It coincided with their attempts to bring more

Women into union organizing.

E.  It explained the popularity of the Socialist

party in New York City.

whose customary spheres of

    struggle were electoral work and

    trade union organizing, seized the

(25) opportunity and                                                     quickly organized

an extensive series of cost-of-

living protests designed to direct

the women’s movement toward

Socialist goals  

不是这里吧？ 这是快速的组织啊，不是运动的延续

cost-of-living organizing lay a

basic indifference to the issue

itself

Allen 看这句。