GWD28-Q25 to Q27:
Many politicians, business leaders,
and scholars discount the role of
public policy and emphasize the role
Line of the labor market when explaining
(5) employers’ maternity-leave policies,
arguing that prior to the passage of
the Family and Medical Leave Act
(FMLA) of 1993, employers were
already providing maternity leave in
(10) response to the increase in the number
of women workers. Employers did
create maternity-leave programs
in the 1970’s and 1980’s, but not as
a purely voluntary response in the
(15) absence of any government mandate.
In 1972, the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC) ruled
that employers who allowed leaves
for disabling medical conditions must
(20) also allow them for maternity and that
failure to do so would constitute sex
discrimination under the Civil Rights
Act of 1964. As early as 1973, a
survey found that 58 percent of large
(25) employers had responded with new
maternity-leave policies. Because the
1972 EEOC ruling was contested in
court, the ruling won press attention
that popularized maternity-leave
(30) policies. Yet perhaps because the
Supreme Court later struck down
the ruling, politicians and scholars
have failed to recognize its effects,
assuming that employers adopted
(35) maternity-leave policies in response
to the growing feminization of the
workforce.
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Q27:
The passage suggests that the relationship between the view of the author with respect to maternity leave policy prior to passage of the FMLA and the view of the politicians, business leaders, and scholars mentioned in lines 1-2 can best be characterized by which of the following statements?
文章中并没有提到motivation吧
我觉得是A,在A和B中犹豫了半天。。。
D: both Agree Maternity-leave prior to FMLA, author think Employer did
not do so voluntarily, as opposed to the views in line 1-2
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